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Robert H. Churchill | Gun Ownership in Early America: A Survey of Manuscript Militia Returns | The William and Mary Quarterly, 60.3 | The History Cooperative
60.3  
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July, 2003
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Notes and Documents


Gun Ownership in Early America: A Survey of Manuscript Militia Returns

Robert H. Churchill



IN 1996, Michael Bellesiles's Journal of American History article on gun ownership in early America startled many early American historians. Bellesiles found that probate inventories and militia records from the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries strongly indicated that guns were scarce in early America and that gun ownership was "exceptional." Controversy has since raged over Bellesiles's research, which he published in more elaborate form in Arming America: The Origins of a National Gun Culture. Critics have focused primarily on Bellesiles's use of probate inventories. Yet Bellesiles's research was innovative in its use of militia returns, documents seldom cited in the military histories of the period. Bellesiles argues that available returns provided additional evidence of guns' scarcity.1 1
     The term return is a generic military reference to reports of information requested by superior officers and by the civil officers of the colony or state. Typical categories of reporting included results of officer elections, records of provisions consumed, and weekly reports of men fit for duty. During the period from the onset of the Revolution to the end of the War of 1812, provincial and state governments also began to demand accurate reports of the military readiness of their militias. Such returns, showing the size and armament of specific military units, are often referred to as strength or equipment returns. At least four states mandated that militia officers make annual strength returns of the units under their command during the Revolutionary War. The Militia Act of 1792 extended this reporting regime to require annual strength returns from every militia commander in the nation.2 2
     These strength returns, offering a tabulation of men at each rank and the arms and ammunition in their possession, can yield valuable insights into the prevalence of gun ownership in early America, but only if used with considerable caution. Where a significant portion of the militia of a state made returns of strength and arms, these returns allow us to ask questions about gun ownership of a much larger population than is covered by existing surveys of probate inventories. Further, in an era in which the militia enrolled most free white men, militia returns recorded arms possession by younger, poorer men, who were often under-represented in surveys of probate inventories. They thus serve as a useful complement to probate records. These records also permit comparison of gun ownership rates across region and across time. Finally, gaps in record keeping can give us insights into the extent and limits of the state's power to track and command the persons and property of its citizens.

 

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