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Trevor Burnard and Kenneth Morgan | The Dynamics of the Slave Market and Slave Purchasing Patterns in Jamaica, 1655 1788 | The William and Mary Quarterly, 58.1 | The History Cooperative
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January, 2001
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The Dynamics of the Slave Market and Slave Purchasing Patterns in Jamaica, 16551788

Trevor Burnard and Kenneth Morgan



SLAVERY was the most important institution in eighteenth-century Jamaica. Black Africans provided the labor that made white Jamaicans wealthier than any people in British America. How slaves were acquired, as much as how enslaved Africans were employed after being purchased, was vitally important. Prosperity or poverty depended on whether sufficient Africans could be purchased at reasonable prices and on whether they were long-lived and productive laborers. If a buyer was unwise or unlucky, disaster followed. In 1784, Thomas Thistlewood, an English migrant overseer and slaveowner, related in his diary how a local grandee, Sir James Richardson, had lost 141 of 190 slaves bought since 1770, "such bad luck has he." Richardson thought, not surprisingly, that Jamaican planters "succeed from a lucky combination of circumstances" rather than from "prudence & industry."1 Thistlewood himself was either more skilled or more fortunate than Richardson. Of ten slaves he bought in 1765, for instance, seven were still alive at his death twenty-one years later. 1
     Jamaica had the largest demand for slaves of any British colony in the Americas. It received one-third of retained slave imports shipped by Britain. In some periods, such as in the 1720s and the 1790s, Jamaica's share of Africans shipped by Britain to the Americas was between 40 and 50 percent. Such enormous importations made the island increasingly important as the home of British Americans of African descent. In 1680, 23 percent of blacks living in the British empire lived in Jamaica. That proportion increased to 26 percent by the mid-eighteenth century and, after the separation of the United States from Great Britain, to 39 percent by 1810. The numerical increase is even more startling. Despite continuing high mortality, Jamaica's slave population more than doubled, to nearly 120,000 slaves, between 1700 and 1750 and multiplied a further two and a half times to more than 300,000 slaves by the end of the century. 2
     Within the British Caribbean, Jamaica was a dominating presence: in 1748, it accounted for about 43 percent of total West Indian population, 46 percent of British West Indian slave population, and 42 percent of sugar imported into Britain. These shares of population and sugar production remained constant until the close of the Atlantic slave trade.2 Even more important, Jamaica was the destination of 37 percent of all slave ships sent to British America and 44 percent of all slave vessels dispatched to the British West Indies. Jamaica received 1.8 times as many ships as Barbados—the next most popular destination for Guinea traders in British America—and 4.5 times as many ships as the most frequent destination in mainland British North America, the Carolinas. Jamaica alone was considerably more important than all of British North America as a destination for slave ships: 2.4 times as many ships went to Jamaica as went to the mainland.3 Moreover, these ships were usually the largest in the British trade and always carried more slaves than vessels supplying the rest of the British Americas (see Table I). Indeed, Kingston quickly became the major market not only for slaves intended for the largest British sugar island, but for those resold to most of Spanish America as well (see Map V). . . .

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