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Democracy Reborn is a narrative history with an emphasis
on the individuals who democratized the American Constitution. The
book tells of Radical Republicans' attempts to establish equality
before the law, President Andrew Johnson's decision to placate the
South, Democratic resistance, and moderate Republicans' compromises
to achieve modest civil and political change. Garrett Epps has a
novelist's eye for elegantly written vignettes about leading politicians,
orators, and lobbyists of Reconstruction. Democracy
Reborn understands the Fourteenth Amendment to be the source
of individual rights. After a brief synopsis of the Revolutionary
Period, at the very beginning of the book, Epps discusses many
of the major developments between Appomattox in 1865 and the ratification
of the Fourteenth Amendment. He carefully scrutinizes the Thirteenth
Amendment, the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the Freedmen's Bureau,
and the men who tried to make the aspirations of constitutional
and radical abolitionists a reality. The book ends with a capstone
of core personalities—including Thaddeus Stevens, Frederick
Douglass, and Charles Sumner—and how their lives ended before
they had accomplished their ambition for a democratic America.
While key portions of congressional
debates are retold, they are described within the context of individual
politicians and advocates for change. Thus, not only does Epps
speak of the inquiries, drafts, and decisions of the Joint Committee
of Fifteen on Reconstruction but of the men who were a part of
it. He carefully explains the political allegiances of Johnson,
Sumner, Stevens, John A. Bingham, and William Pitt Fessenden.
By explaining the positions they and others took on Reconstruction,
Epps gets at the factions of the Reconstruction Congress.
Epps's description of the nineteenth-century
suffragette movement is told in the context of its central leaders
(205–21). By the time of the World's Anti-Slavery Convention
in 1840, Garrisonians embraced women's rights. Sara Grimk’ and
Lucretia Mott struggled side-by-side with William Lloyd Garrison
and Frederick Douglass to end the unequal treatment of blacks
and women. Epps draws on the fruitful relationship between Elizabeth
Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony to follow the developments in
women's rights, from support of the abolitionist movement to their
disappointment with the use of "male" in the second section of
the Fourteenth Amendment. Further, Epps gives an introductory
overview of the post-bellum ruptures in the Equal Rights Association,
the National Woman Suffrage Association, and the American Woman
Suffrage Association over whether to place women's rights issues
on hold while pursuing blacks' civil and political rights.
Yet, the transition back into
the proposed Fourteenth Amendment and the violence that followed
its announcement (222 ff.) is awkward. It returns to the discussion
of the final version of the Fourteenth Amendment without explanation
of its connection to the feminist movement.
The book closes with a birds-eye
view of Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence following Reconstruction,
from the Slaughter-House Cases to Plessy v. Ferguson. The
Supreme Court wrenched the primary power over civil rights away
from Congress. The justices shifted the balance of power from
the federal government back to the states, thereby limiting the
significance of national citizenship and broadening the power
of local forces. This culminated with the Rehnquist Court's resort
to nineteenth-century jurisprudence to strike the Religious Freedom
Restoration and Violence Against Women Acts. Epps finds it troubling
that contemporary Americans fail to "grasp that their Constitution
was changed by the second founders, that their eighteenth-century
charter of limited government now contains that nineteenth-century
values of equality, openness, and rule of law for all" (269–70).
The work follows a generally solid
chronological order. In places, Epps's transitions between subjects
might have been improved to maintain an otherwise smooth narrative.
For instance, after a discussions about the Committee of Fifteen
(90–101), the Thirty-Ninth Congress's debate on voting rights
in 1865 (104–19), and the Freedmen's Bureau bill (129–41),
Epps returns to a discussion about the Civil War, black war refugees,
and Sherman's March to the Sea (153–63). After an extensive
doctrinal discussion on the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment
(164–83), Epps turns his attention to Robert Dale Owen's
proposed changes to the text, which Congress never adopted. Epps
not only focuses on Owen's relevant political and social positions.
He digresses about his early career, personal relationship with
Fanny Wright, and trust in seances (187–98). This takes
the reader through events stemming from 1826 to the Civil War.
When Epps returns to Owen's draft of section 1 of the Fourteenth
Amendment (187), he's lost some of the momentum of his narrative.
All in all, Epps has written an
entertaining and informative single volume history of the Fourteenth
Amendment. The work should teach well at the undergraduate level
and provide the general reader a helpful introduction into the
period.
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