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Book Review
| Jim Hagan (ed.), People and Politics in Regional New South Wales, Volume 1 1856–1950s, Volume 2 1950s-2006, Federation Press, Sydney, 2006. pp. × + 350, × + 360. $54.95 cloth set.
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| This is a comprehensive examination of regional politics in New South Wales, Australia's largest state. It is part of the range of publications on NSW political history sponsored by the Sesqui-Centenary of Responsible Government in NSW Committee. The book divides New South Wales, excluding the Sydney metropolitan area, into 11 regions and splits the narrative into two periods – 1856 to the 1950s and 1950s to 2006. It tries to explain voting patterns in each state electorate within the regions. |
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The book provides an incredible amount of detail on each region that will be of great value to anyone looking at a particular locality and region. Sometimes the detail can become overwhelming and the reader can lose track of the electorates and candidates outlined in the narrative. It would have been helpful if the book had contained diagrams or tables setting out the history of the regions in terms of electorates and candidates. One of the few times when this is done (vol. 2, p. 234) there is a typographical error which confuses the latter narrative. The introductory sections of the volumes could have provided more insights into the significance of broader events such as the ALP's rebranding as Country Labor. |
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The quality of the contributions varies. The chapters on the Northern Rivers, Hunter, New England, Central West and the Far West in both volumes and the chapter in the first volume on the North West, particularly standout in terms of the narrative and structure. At the other extreme is the chapter on the North West in the second volume, which does not explain, in any depth, who particular individuals are and makes factual errors such as the 1979 State election (vol. 2, p. 271) and referring to the Country Party as the later National Party in the 1950s (vol. 2, p. 266). There are inconsistencies in the way names are presented with the same person having their first names and initials (vol. 2, pp. 272–3). Whether the authors, the editor or the publisher is to blame for this, is always difficult to fathom. |
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While the book's strengths and weaknesses relate to the detail of its narrative, it does not draw upon the recent debates, particularly in industrial relations and labour history, concerning community, locality or geography. Bradley Bowden does make a brief reference to the work of Doreen Massey (vol. 1, p. 73). Jim Hagan, the editor, does try to develop a framework that explains voting behaviour primarily in terms of economic self-interest. Farmers may be drawn to the Country Party, while industrial workers to the Labor Party. This leads to one amusing link between the sheep, shearers and Labor votes, where the authors note that 'very large numbers of sheep tended to produce Labor victories' (vol. 1, p. 169). Hagan recognises that other secondary factors can influence voting such as patriotism and sectarianism. One of the rich threads of the book is the impact of religion on a regional basis, especially the long established rivalry in Australian society between Protestants and Catholics. This issue appears on a regular basis in the narrative. At one extreme, this led to polling day violence at Araluen in the South-Eastern region at the 1869 election (vol. 1, pp. 117–8), where the supporters of the Catholic candidate forced others to run a violent gauntlet of kicking and punching. However, there are instances of Catholics and Protestants aligning against what were perceived to be radical elements in the Labor Party. Robert Tierney (vol. 2, pp. 183–4), notes in the seat of Orange, how Protestant Charles Cutler, the Country Party member, cultivated conservative Catholics to mobilise against the 'Communist-friendly' Australian Labor Party in the 1950s. |
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Several authors provide reasons to explain regional voting patterns. There is the notion of 'countrymindedness', which highlights the values of rural living against the depravity of city life. This was a dominant strand in Country Party thinking and influenced the Labor Party (vol. 2, p. 165). There is the 'safe seat' idea used by some candidates who successfully argued that it is better to be a marginal seat, or elect an independent, if you wish to obtain government support for infrastructure. Voters in the Hunter Valley were persuaded to vote against the Labor Party to protest Labor Government 'neglect' of safe seats (vol. 2, p. 69). Bradon Ellem, Julie Kimber and John Shields also make an important point (vol. 2, p. 311) that changing economic structure may not necessarily immediately affect voting structure. As they argue, 'where labour movements and collective cultures have historically been strong, cultural identification with the cause of organised labour tends to outlive the original structural basis for such an affinity'. |
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These two volumes are very important for labour historians seeking insights into not only regional NSW but also regional Australia. While the detail of the book may sometimes overwhelm the reader, it raises a number of important issues that will fuel future debate and research. |
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| University of Sydney |
GREG PATMORE | |
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