You have not been recognized as a subscriber to the Journal of Social History online. About 525 words from this article are provided below; about 802 words remain.
 
If you are an individual subscriber to the Journal of Social History, you may:
• login here if you have already registered for online access.
• Or if you're already logged in register your subscription.
• Set up your online account for the first time.

If you are not a subscriber to the Journal of Social History, you can:
• subscribe here.
• Purchase a research pass to gain two hour access to the entire History Cooperative web site. You will have full access to current issues of the Journal of Social History.

Instititutions can:
• Subscribe to the journal and receive print and electronic issues.
• Activate your existing subscription so that we recognize your IP number ranges.
| Review | Journal of Social History, 41.1 | The History Cooperative
41.1  
Journals link Search link Partners link Information link
Fall, 2007
Previous
Next
Journal of Social History

Table of Contents
List journal issues
Home
Get a printer-friendly version of this page
 

REVIEWS


Seduction of Culture in German History. By Wolf Lepenies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006. viii plus 260 pp.).

Wolf Lepenies is a well-known German professor of sociology at the Free University of Berlin who has spent several years at Princeton Institute for Advanced Study and contributes regularly to Die Welt. In The Seduction of Culture he critically examines the proclivity of German intellectuals to substitute high cultural ideals for an empirical and democratic politics. Culture, for them, masks civic responsibility. 1
      For Lepenies, this a-political attitude manifested itself across the course of modern German history. With Kulturstaadt confounded with Kraftstaadt, Germany entered the twentieth century. Cultural arguments supported military goals during the First World War. bbbbsthetics displaced politics and civic responsibility during theWeimar Republic. The Third Reich promoted itself as a cultural restoration. The allied bombing on Dresden was considered as an atrocity against Germany cultural treasures rather than as German life. 2
      In the aftermath of the Second World War, in exile and at home, German and German Jew continued to celebrate German high culture and its abstract philosophy. Political thought and responsibility languished, especially in East Germany where censorship ruled. East German thinkers like Gottfried Benn retreated inward. They found consolation in self-pity. They camouflaged their responsibility for past wrongs and present abuses in redundant and arcane Marxist explanation. Standard Denazification programs exonerated them. Their counterparts in the Federal Republic too evaded the past, preferring inward and subjective migrations. Brooding replaced seeing and thinking. Culture ducked the matter of civility—what citizens owe citizens, and what the German people did and what they should do. Deep concerns about culture did not prepare Germany for the coming down of the wall in 1989 or confronting the task of unification. Lepennies sees the same evasive and "culture-covers-all attitude" in recent proposals for giant monuments to commemorate the Holocaust. They substitute "a distant and abstract guilt" for the ordinary, humble, and sharp reminders of German indecency and complicity. 3
      Lepenies utilizes, in his own words, "a kind of history of ideas approach" to depict the German failure of mind. This well-written and even delightfully aphoristic collection of eleven essays, does not rest on a historical mapping of changing political, social, and economic structures. Instead, his cultural cartography highlights individual and groups of thinkers focusing on such nineteenth-and twentieth-century luminaries as Novalis, Heine, Burckhardt, Neitzche, Weber, Mannheim, Meinecke, Arendt, Jaspers, and Adorno. He uses the twin intellectual towers of eighteenth-century Goethe and twentieth-century Thomas Mann to measure the failure of German thinkers to form a true democratic and humanist bridge from the eighteenth century cosmopolitanism to twentieth century democracy. Goethe, though constantly re-interpreted and exploited anew with each successive regime, offers for Lepenies a model of a cosmopolitanism that fuses humanities and the sciences and joins Germany and France to Enlightenment Europe. He idealizes Mann's twentieth-century pilgrimage from being an apolitical advocate of German cultural uniqueness to becoming an American citizen who advocates the indispensability of democracy and republicanism for Germany. Uncomfortable himself with brooding depths or clarion declarations, Lepenies repetitiously and sincerely praises Mann for his recourse to irony. . . .

There are about 802 more words in this article. Please log in (or, if you are not yet an authorized user, please go to the User Setup page) to gain full access rights. Or if you're already logged in register your subscription.