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REVIEWS
| Contention and Democracy in Europe, 1650–2000. By Charles Willy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. xiv plus 305 pp.).
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| This magnificent book draws on a large literature including the author's own research to make a plausible case for some big, unconventional, and striking theses about several centuries of democratization in Europe. Although it always keeps its central arguments in view, there is scarcely a page that doesn't have some fascinating sub-argument, illuminating comparison, provocative conjecture, or telling datum. A busy reader who felt she/he got the main ideas after a couple of chapters and skipped to the conclusions would be missing much but by the time you get through the second chapter you see how proposition-rich this book is and aren't much inclined to leap ahead. |
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Tilly's opening chapter announces no fewer than thirteen "guiding arguments" that he plans to elaborate, each of which turns out to contain multiple assertions. Here's my own sketch of some of Contention and Democracy's distinctive claims:
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The history of democracy and the history of contention are deeply intertwined. Democracy only advanced, when it did advance, through social processes significantly set in motion or accelerated by contention (including civil warfare, multiple forms of popular resistance to state actions, claims-making social movements, and much else besides). Democratization, in turn, reshaped patterns of contention.
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Democratization is one profoundly contingent outcome of conflict and episodes of de-democratization are quite common in the histories of even those countries most commonly regarded as secure democracies today.
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Democracy at the national level was not for the most part an expansion of previously existing semidemocratic institutions at village, town, or regional levels. Even where such structures existed, authoritative and generally authoritarian states that overrode such institutions usually preceded the democratization of those states. In European history states usually got stronger before they got more democratic. But before we conclude that strong states are indispensable, nineteenth-century Swiss history provides a striking instance of a weak-state path.
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