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The Progressive Origins of Eugenics Critics: Raymond Pearl, Herbert
S. Jennings, and the Defense of Scientific Inquiry 1
by Michael Mezzano, Boston College
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In the late 1910s and early 1920s,
a succession of popular books decried the impact that "new" immigrants
were having on the United States. Fearing that the racial quality
of the American people was being eroded by the large number of
immigrants that had been arriving in the previous decades, the
books clamored for radical restrictions on the number of immigrants
the country should admit. These books reflect the pervasiveness
of the belief that new immigrants were biologically inferior to
older immigrants and native-born Anglo-Saxons. This belief, in
turn, was rooted in a theory of permanently fixed racial identities
that had been circulating throughout Europe and the United States
for decades, despite cautions of professional scientists who argued
that these theories were not "proven." Yet non-scientists like
Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard were the ones who enjoyed widespread
public authority on such complex scientific theories as heredity,
genetics, and eugenics because they explained these difficult
subjects in easily understandable terms—despite the fact
that they grossly oversimplified the theories. Simultaneously,
they raised shrill cries that these new arrivals thus threatened
the "superior" racial stock of America. The anti-immigrant wave
that Grant, Stoddard, and others fanned was based on what Grant
described as "the science of race," which he claimed proved "the
immutability of somatological or bodily characters."2
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If by "the science of race," Grant
meant something anthropological, he was overstating his case.
The professional anthropologists Franz Boas and Aleš Hrdlička—immigrants
to the United States themselves—researched in fields that
specifically disputed notions of fixed racial identities. Boas's
work consistently undermined both the alleged stability of the
human body form and its hereditary basis. As for the Bohemian-born
Hrdlička, his researches with indigenous tribes in the American
West and in Mexico, similarly confirmed an elasticity of human
body types. In November of 1923, he told the Yale University political
economist Irving Fisher that "I am wholly unable to say that any
one group has superior or inferior endowments mentally or even
physically." Hrdlička, who was serving with Fisher on a eugenics
committee investigating immigration—alongside Grant and
Congressman Albert Johnson—threatened to resign because
of the way scientific knowledge was being manipulated to influence
legislation favoring restriction.3
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If Grant meant a biological and genetic
science of race, he was again off the mark. For the scientists who
labored in the fields that eugenics touched most upon—namely
biology, genetics, and zoology—the declarations of Grant and
Stoddard that races were fixed and immutable rankled. In the 1920s
some grew increasingly skeptical of the biological permanence of
the alleged inferiority and spoke out against the way scientific
theories were being used by men with no scientific training to rationalize
and buttress social prejudices.4 |
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