You have not been recognized as a subscriber to JAH online. About 439 words from this article are provided below; about 4122 words remain.
 
If you are a individual member of the Organization of American Historians, you may:
• login here if you have already registered for online access.
• Or if you're already logged in register your subscription.
• Set up your online account for the first time.

If you are not a member of the Organization of American Historians, you can:
• Join the OAH and receive many member benefits including print and electronic issues of the Journal of American History.
• Purchase this article in PDF form for $10.00.
• Purchase a research pass to gain two-hour access to the entire History Cooperative web site. You will have full access to current issues of the Journal of American History (86.1-present). Note: the Research Pass does not provide access to JSTOR's holdings of the Journal of American History.

Instititutions can:
•  Subscribe to this journal and receive print and electronic issues.
• Activate your existing subscription so that we recognize your IP number ranges.
Richard Campanella | An Ethnic Geography of New Orleans | The Journal of American History, 94.3 | The History Cooperative
94.3  
Journals link Search link Partners link Information link
December, 2007
Previous
Next
The Journal of American History

Table of Contents
List journal issues
Home
Get a printer-friendly version of this page
 
 
 


An Ethnic Geography of New Orleans


Richard Campanella



As Hurricane Katrina's surge filled the bowl-shaped metropolis of New Orleans, the simple geography of rising water came face-to-face with the complex human geography of a nearly three-hundred-year-old city. Whose homes were flooded, in terms of race, ethnicity, and class, became the subject of national discussion. This article describes how those residential patterns fell into place beginning in colonial times, and how they were affected by Katrina's flood. 1
   

Historical Diversity

 
Travelogues testify to the extraordinary diversity of early nineteenth-century New Orleans. "No city perhaps on the globe," wrote one visitor in 1816, "presents a greater contrast of national manners, language, and complexion, than does New Orleans." Marveled another in 1835, "Truly does New-Orleans represent every other city and nation upon earth. I know of none where is congregated so great a variety of the human species." "What a hubbub!" gushed another visitor, "what an assemblage of strange faces [and] distinct people!"1 2
      That was not the case during the colonial era. The isolated port, founded in 1718, struggled with sparse population and little attention from French and Spanish colonial governments. Events around the turn of the nineteenth century transformed New Orleans from an orphaned outpost of a descending colonial power to a strategically sited port city of an ascendant New World nation. Agricultural technologies facilitated the rapid shift of its hinterland crops from tobacco and indigo in the colonial era to expansive plantations of lucrative cotton and sugarcane in the antebellum era, both of which profited New Orleans enormously. Agricultural developments also breathed new life into the institution of slavery, and New Orleans became the busiest slave market in the South. Finally, the slave insurgency in Saint Domingue, which began in 1791 and eventually expelled the French regime, diminished Napoleon Bonaparte's interest in the seemingly unpromising Louisiana colony and motivated the emperor to sell it to the United States in 1803. Authorities regularly predicted that the strategically located port of New Orleans, now under American dominion, would become the most important city in the hemisphere.2 3
   

Ethnic Geographies of Antebellum New Orleans

 
The ethnic geography of New Orleans circa 1800 was relatively simple. Locally born French-speaking Catholics (Creoles), from various Francophone/Hispanic regions and racial backgrounds, were spatially intermixed throughout the city, with the enslaved living in close proximity to the enslaver. The foreign-born residents, including Anglo-Americans, were too few to form significant ethnic clusters. In 1809, over nine thousand refugees from Saint Domingue doubled New Orleans's population, revived its Francophone and Afro-Caribbean culture, and reinforced its intermixed settlement patterns.3 . . .

There are about 4122 more words in this article. Please log in (or, if you are not yet an authorized user, please go to the User Setup page) to gain full access rights. Or if you're already logged in register your subscription.