By: Robert M. Eisinger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. x, 218 pp. Cloth, $60.00, ISBN 0-521-81680-7. Paper, $22.00, ISBN 0-521-01700-9.)
| Presidential Speechwriting: From the New Deal to the Reagan Revolution and Beyond. Ed. by Kurt Ritter and Martin J. Medhurst. (College Station: Texas A&M; University Press, 2003. x, 231 pp. $39.95, ISBN 1-58544-225-9.) | |
| These two books, each in its own way, point to the aggrandizement of power in the modern presidency. | 1 |
| Robert M. Eisinger, a professor of political science at Lewis and Clark College, provides a detailed and amply documented historical study on the origins and growth of presidential polling. Relying on archival materials from presidential libraries, memoirs (presidents and pollsters), standard monographs, and pertinent articles, Eisinger reveals how presidents from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Bill Clinton have used their own polling devices to obtain information about public opinion and to use it for their own advantage. | 2 |
| In his first chapter, the author provides an overview of his study, as well as his overarching theme—presidents seek power and autonomy and have used polls to obtain them. He states, “the trajectory of presidential polling has been shaped because presidents have sought autonomy—from Congress, from political parties and from the media” (p. 20). | 3 |
| The assessment of public opinion is an important issue in a representative democratic government. Prior to polls, public opinion had been measured rather unscientifically through newspaper articles, editorials, letters from constituents, and town meetings. Presidential polling rose not only to gauge public opinion but to advance presidents’ interests. Independent polling provided autonomy from other political institutions—Congress, political parties, and the media—whose interests often compete with and obstruct those of presidents. Presidential polling is implemented to advance legislative and electoral agendas as well as presidential power. | 4 |
| While Herbert Hoover made some halting attempts at gauging public opinion, it was during FDR’s administration that a pollster (Hadley Cantril, director of the Office of Public Opinion Research at Princeton University) supplied polling data relating to domestic and foreign policy issues. With the notable exception of Harry S. Truman, who disliked and did not trust polls, all modern presidents have used polls (paid for by national political committees or private funding) to advance their own political interests. | 5 |
| Some noted pollsters were associated with various presidents, such as Lou Harris with John F. Kennedy, Oliver Quayle with Lyndon B. Johnson, and Pat Caddell with Jimmy Carter. During the Nixon administration, the polling operation was the most secretive, and it was under the direct control of the White House chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman. With his background in advertising, Haldeman used polls to attempt to market Richard M. Nixon and his policies. Nixon’s polling operation was more politicized than that of any other president. The pollsters Pat Caddell and Richard Wirthlin had immediate access to Carter and Ronald Reagan, respectively. | 6 |
| Pollsters using focus groups to refine public attitudes have served as important political advisers to recent presidents. While archival materials are not yet available for the last three presidents (George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush), there is sufficient evidence to indicate that presidential polling continues to play a major role in presidential politics and has abetted the development of a presidency-centered government. Perhaps in his next study, Eisinger will address the use and impact of the Internet on presidential polling. | 7 |
| Presidential speechwriting has received more attention, as presidents in the twentieth century relied more on the media (radio and television) to convey their ideas, policies, and programs in order to gain the support of the American people. Kurt Ritter and Martin J. Medhurst, professors of speech communication at Texas A&M; University, have compiled a series of essays on presidential speechwriting from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan. These eight essays were originally presented at the second annual Conference on Presidential Rhetoric held at Texas A&M; University in 1996 and cosponsored by the George Bush School of Government and Public Affairs. Medhurst provides an introductory chapter that briefly comments on Bill Clinton and George W. Bush and then addresses ten myths regarding presidential speechwriting; he also presents, in a short afterword, his thoughts on four enduring issues related to presidential speechwriting. Presidential scholars, however, unlike the general reader, are familiar with most of the myths—for example, that pre-FDR presidents always wrote their own speeches. | 8 |
| The essays on the modern presidents and their speechwriters are revealing and documented in ample endnotes. The process of speechwriting, the relationship of speechwriters and presidents, and the impact of speeches on policies are explored. The essays, while differing in format and emphasis, provide the reader with some insights into White House speechmaking. The essay on FDR examines his rhetorical use of metaphors and their impact on his policy successes and failures. While his successes far surpassed his failures, it seems to be an overstatement to suggest that more apt metaphors would have changed the results of his Supreme Court reorganization plan. | 9 |
| Speechwriters for Roosevelt, Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, and Kennedy were presidential advisers and assistants who many times influenced policies while writing speeches. The only president to serve as a speechwriter was Eisenhower. He wrote speeches for Gen. Douglas MacArthur. Ted Sorensen, who served as Kennedy’s alter ego and main speechwriter, is credited with many of the rhetorical flourishes that inspired popular support for Kennedy. Contentiousness among his speechwriters did not help Johnson in dealing with the Vietnam War. Changes in White House organizations during the Nixon era resulted in changes that eventually placed speechwriters as part of the White House Office of Communications. This led to less personal contact between speechwriters and presidents. During Reagan’s presidency, his speechwriters seldom met with him—Peggy Noonan served five years as speechwriter and met Reagan only three times. While Medhurst calls for more access to presidents by speech-writers, William Muir, as speechwriter for former vice president George H. W. Bush and author of the essay on Reagan, does not suggest that this lack of personal access was a major problem. It is noteworthy, however, that George W. Bush’s main speechwriter, Michael Gerson, had gained more access to the president in his role as speechwriter and policy adviser. As Medhurst suggests, presidential speechmaking is related to presidential leadership. Some presidents, such as FDR, JFK, Reagan, and Clinton, have better communication skills, while others have had to struggle—Gerald Ford, Carter, and George H. W. Bush. | 10 |
| Speechwriters many times have had access to presidential polling, and speechwriting and polling are part of the promotion of the image and style of the modern presidency. Joe McGinniss in The Selling of the President, 1968 (1969) addressed the public relations emphasis in the packaging of the “New Nixon.” While Nixon won the presidency, he took the country through the travail of the Watergate scandal. In a media-conscious age, there is still a need for presidents of character and substance. | 11 |
| George H. Skau,Emeritus Bergen Community College Paramus, New Jersey | |
Content in the History Cooperative database is intended for personal, noncommercial use only. You may not reproduce, publish, distribute, transmit, participate in the transfer or sale of, modify, create derivative works from, display, or in any way exploit the History Cooperative database in whole or in part without the written permission of the copyright holder.