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The Architecture of Race
in American Immigration Law:
A Reexamination of the Immigration Act of 1924
Mae M. Ngai
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On February 4, 1929, Dr. Joseph A. Hill presented
a plan for immigration quotas based on national origin to the
United States Senate immigration committee. Hill was the chief
statistician of the Census Bureau and chairman of the Quota Board,
a committee under the departments of State, Commerce, and Labor.
Congress had mandated the board to allocate the quotas under the
Immigration Act of 1924. That law restricted immigration into
the United States to 150,000 a year based on quotas, which were
to be allotted to countries in the same proportion that the American
people traced their origins to those countries, through immigration
or the immigration of their forebears.1
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This was the third time
in as many years that Hill had submitted a plan to Congress, and
again members of Congress interrogated him as to the accuracy
of the quotas. Hill's professional authority as one of the nation's
leading demographers rested on a thirty-year tenure at the Census
Bureau and was manifest in his patrician appearance. But determining
the national origins quotas was arguably the most difficult challenge
of his career.
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Indeed, in early 1929
it was still not at all certain that the system mandated in 1924
would come into being. Congress had already postponed implementation
of the quotas twice. The first two reports submitted by the Quota
Board were criticized by organizations representing Irish, German,
and Scandinavian Americans for failing to take their populations
fully into account. In 1928 protests over the hardships wrought
by restriction mounted; Young Men's Christian Associations (YMCAs),
church congregations, and the League of Women Voters petitioned
Congress to admit families who were unable to join men who had
immigrated before 1924 because those family members lived in countries
whose quotas were oversubscribed. The issue hung in political
suspension throughout the presidential election campaign of 1928.
Herbert Hoover had, as secretary of commerce, signed the Quota
Board's first two reports. But he kicked off his presidential
campaign in August with a speech that described national origins
quotas as impossible to determine "accurately and without
hardship," an apparent appeal to German and Scandinavian
voters in the Midwest. Observers noted that Hoover's Democratic
rival, Al Smith, opposed the quotas in the North while favoring
them before southern audiences.2
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