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Comparing Presidents and their Actions "To Provide for the Common Defence"
Joe O'Brien and Jack Hood University of Kansas and Lawrence High School
| AS NOTED by Onosko,1 the nature of the social studies curriculum typically results in superficial and disconnected coverage of the content with few opportunities for in-depth investigation and discussion of that content. Engaging students in a comparative study of U.S. Presidents and actions they took "to provide for the common defence" offers one means to provide for such an in-depth study, while acknowledging the importance of teaching the breadth of content required for state tests. This article provides a rationale for studying Presidents, discusses how a study of presidential decisions related to the "common defence" can form the foundation for a comparative studies approach, suggests how to build such an approach into the curriculum, and presents United States history high school teacher Mr. Hood's experience with the approach. |
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Why Study the Presidents? | |
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Not surprisingly, this simple question deserves a complex answer. First, students should learn about the Presidents simply because they are there, and by "there," we mean in state standards and local curricula. Second, due to their prominence in standards and local curricula, a study of Presidents, particularly as they "provide for the common defence," offers a means to investigate certain threads, such as national security, the distribution of authority within our democratic system, and the role of liberty. Third, the exploration of Presidents and the actions they took related to these threads—which are woven throughout the fabric of United States history and government—provides students with specific insights into Presidential leadership while also serving as a bridge to consider leadership in a more general context. Finally, such study better enables students to make judgments about related contemporary public policy matters and about what constitutes an effective President. |
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A Comparative Approach: Presidents and "To Provide for the Common Defence" | |
Several years ago, prior to the development of this approach, when asked to define what the Constitution meant by "to provide for the common defence," most of Mr. Hood's students indicated: "to provide a military." When prodded, his students either added "to fight a war" or mentioned a particular branch of the military, such as the army, but little else. Upon reflection, Mr. Hood was not surprised, since students had only read this phrase rather than studied how different Presidents had sought "to provide for the common defence." Consideration of the students' responses, along with events in Afghanistan and Iraq and the threat posed by terrorism, led us to design historical case studies that would cause students to think more deeply about Presidential decisions related to the nation's defense. By engaging his students in these case studies, we sought to enable them to:
- Gain insight into what constitutes defense of the nation and how this has changed over time;
- Learn how Presidents have interpreted and acted upon this idea in different ways and gain an understanding of possible reasons for these differences;
- Use what they learn from the first two objectives as a basis for comparing Presidential decisions; and
- Develop a historical context from which to assess how political leaders today interpret and seek "to provide for the common defence."
These goals were the basis for a three-part comparative approach to the study of Presidential actions related to "common defence," which was implemented by Mr. Hood in two of his classes.
Part I: At the beginning of the course, Mr. Hood's students explored possible meanings of "to provide for the common defence" and how Presidents might act to ensure the nation's defense.
Part II: Several times throughout the year, students explored situations that a President confronted that caused him to act to ensure the "common defence." During this part, Mr. Hood followed a four step instructional model as outlined in Figure 1. Mr. Hood first placed the historical situations related to the "common defence" and the President in historical context, such as the international diplomacy between England, France, and the United States in the late 1700s and the election of 1800. Next, the students explored the events leading up to a policy decision, such as how the Barbary States preyed upon shipping along the North African coast. Students then investigated the options available to a President and decided what they thought was the best policy option, given the situation. Finally, students then stepped back and learned how each President actually responded and assessed his decision.
Part III: Toward the end of the year, students (re)defined "to provide for the common defence" and decided what was actions to this end were appropriate for a President.
Figure 1: Instructional Model
Presidents and "To Provide for the Common Defence"
- Establish Historical Context
- Investigate President and Policy Decision
- Explain situation and how it developed
- Discuss effects of the situation
- Introduce policy options
- Make Policy Decision
- Study each option and discuss consequences
- Decide on an option and provide justification
- Reestablish Historical Context
- Discuss the decision made by the President
- Consider short and long-term effects of decision
- Consider the quality of President's decision
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During the school year, Mr. Hood and his students investigated several Presidents and their encounters with potential threats to the nation: John Adams and the undeclared war with France; Thomas Jefferson and the Barbary Pirates; James Madison and the War of 1812; William McKinley and the Spanish-American War; Woodrow Wilson and World War I; and, Harry Truman and conflicts addressed by the Truman Doctrine. |
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Putting the Idea to the Test:
Thomas Jefferson and the Barbary Pirates | |
After starting class with a discussion about what "to provide for the common defence" might mean, Mr. Hood incorporated prior learning by having students apply their thinking to John Adams' decision about going to war with France. Several days later, Mr. Hood addressed Thomas Jefferson's encounter with the Barbary Pirates. He set the historical context and introduced Jefferson and the situation through a reading, an excerpt of which is found in Figure 2. The reading provided the students with background information on international relations between England, France, and the United States, particularly as they related to trading in the Mediterranean, from the time of the Revolutionary War to Jefferson's Presidency. This reading introduced the students to an activity, as described in Figure 3, in which students considered the policy options available to Jefferson. The activity placed groups of students in the role of Jefferson's Secretary of State, James Madison. Students used an explanation of each option, found in Figure 4, to decide what to recommend to Jefferson and how to justify that recommendation.
Figure 2: Excerpt Readings
President Jefferson, the War Powers, and the Barbary States
In 1800, a frigate, the George Washington, sailed into Algiers to pay the annual tribute. The dey forced Captain Bainbridge to lower the U.S. flag and hoist the Algerian flag. The George Washington then was forced to deliver a shipment to the Sultan of Turkey in Istanbul. By the time that Jefferson entered office in 1801, the U.S. had paid over $2,000,000 in tribute and ransom to the Barbary States since the mid-1780s. In May 1801, the pasha of Tripoli, Yusuf Karamanli, canceled the treaty and declared war on the U.S. The pasha's conditions for a new treaty included an immediate payment of $225,000 and annual tribute of $25,000. In his first annual message to Congress, Jefferson reported:
To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only exception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary States, had come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and had permitted itself to denounce war, on our failure to comply before a given day. The style of the demand admitted but one answer.
In his address, Jefferson recommended a course of action to address the crisis created by the pasha of Tripoli.
Figure 3: Student Activity Prompt
Policy OptionsDirections: Secretary of State James Madison needs your advice. President Jefferson has asked him to consider the policy options below in preparation for his administration's first full cabinet meeting on May 15. These options are ways to respond to Yusuf Karamanli's demand for an immediate payment of $225,000 and annual tribute of $25,000. You may choose to recommend one or several options. Place an "X" by each option that you are recommending to Secretary Madison. Please make sure to offer reasons for each recommendation (refer to the Questions to Consider for some information about each option). If you choose more than one option, make sure to support each option, as well as all your options as a whole.
— Option 1: Meet the pasha's demands and negotiate a new treaty. — Option 2: Send a naval squadron to the Mediterranean Sea to protect U.S. shipping. — Option 3: Impose a blockade against Tripoli. — Option 4: Bombard the port of Tripoli. — Option 5: Plot to overthrow the pasha of Tripoli. — Option 6: Request Congress to declare war on Tripoli. — Option 7: Seek support of other trading nations to fight Barbary pirates.
Figure 4: Student Activity Information Sheet
Questions to Consider as You Review the Policy Options
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If you choose to meet the pasha's demands, can the U.S. afford the payments?
The U.S. annual revenue was about $8 million. The immediate payment and annual tribute for the first year was over 3% of the U.S. budget. In the past, when the other Barbary States learned of an increase in annual tribute, they also requested an increase. While the annual tribute was about $30,000 to $40,000, the immediate payment was ten or more times higher. The pasha had canceled a treaty made five years before. The loss of ships, however, would hurt New England merchants. Since much of a ship's cargo were goods like wheat and dried fish, Southern and Western farmers and New England fishers also would suffer.
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If you choose a military option, how will the other Barbary States respond?
Tripoli was allied with Algiers and Tunis. In taking military action against Tripoli, the U.S. runs the risk of going to war with both states. Since the Barbary States lived off the annual tribute, they were unlikely to allow a young nation to stop paying tribute without a fight. On the other hand, nations like England and France have not resisted the pirates, since paying the tribute was less expensive than fighting them.
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If you decide to protect U.S. shipping, can the U.S. supply the needed war vessels?
There were over 1,200 miles of coastline in the Barbary States and the U.S. was capable of only sending four to six naval vessels to the Mediterranean Sea. The total navy consisted of 13 frigates and 6 ships under construction. England and France signed the Peace of Amiens in late 1801. This decreased European demand for American exports. A decrease in American exports meant a decrease in the number of ships to protect. On the other hand, Congress was reluctant to fund the building of new war vessels.
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If you decide to blockade one or more Barbary States' ports, can the U.S. back up a blockade?
Several naval vessels might be able to blockade the port of Tripoli. As indicated above, the U.S. could supply four to six ships. Since the U.S. largely had adopted a domestic defensive strategy toward its military, supplying more ships would require taking them away from U.S. waters. By removing almost all seaworthy ships from the U.S., the President might provide another 20 ships.
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If you choose a military option, can the President act without a declaration of war by Congress?
Does the Constitution permit the President to send naval ships to the Mediterranean Sea for a military purpose without the consent of Congress? If you answer "yes," then you need to ask what orders the President is authorized to give to the warships. Can the warships defend U.S. commercial ships? Can they attack pirate ships before the pirates attack U.S. ships? Can the U.S. warships attack ships owned by the pasha of Tripoli? Can U.S. warships bombard the port of Tripoli? Cabinet members were divided on these questions. This was the first occasion that a U.S. President had to answer many of them. At the time of the cabinet meeting, Congress is not in session. Congress will not meet again for several months.
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If you consider the plot to overthrow the pasha, who would support the U.S. in a revolution?
In seizing power in Tripoli, Yusuf Karamanli, the pasha, had killed his older brother and exiled another brother, Hamet. While Hamet might have been interested in taking power from his brother, he lacked any military forces. Congress either would need to authorize the use of troops to support Hamet or the money to buy the services of mercenaries.
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If you decide to request a declaration of war, would Congress vote in support of it?
The Republican Party now controlled Congress. Most Republicans only desired to use the military to defend the territory of the U.S. Typically, they did not support using the military to protect commercial shipping. Building warships and conducting a war were very costly. While not the best option, paying the tribute was better than the risk of a central government with a powerful navy.
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As part of the debriefing after the group activity, Mr. Hood explained how Jefferson sent a squadron of ships to the Mediterranean Sea in 1801, which resulted in the loss of the frigate Philadelphia and the capture of her captain and crew, and how the tide then began to turn as Commodore Preble convinced the Sultan of Morocco to stop seizing U.S. cargo. Other military actions taken by naval officers brought enough pressure to bear on the pasha that he finally agreed to a treaty. While the treaty ended the annual tribute, the U.S. paid a $60,000 ransom to recover the crew of the Philadelphia. Mr. Hood then stepped back from the historical context and posed two questions to his students that were intended for them to assess President Jefferson's decision. |
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The first question asked whether the human price of Jefferson's refusal to pay the tribute was worth the cost. Jefferson felt that the payment of tribute was dishonorable: "Nor does it respect us as to these pirates only, but as to the nations of Europe." He believed it critical that the European states come to respect the United States, the new nation. Jefferson argued that if the U.S. wished its "commerce to be free and uninsulted, we must let [the Barbary States] see that we have the energy which at present they disbelieve." By refusing to pay "one cent for tribute" though, those in captivity stayed in captivity. Mr. Hood asked his students to imagine that they were one of Philadelphia crewmembers held in captivity and forced to build ships to be used against their countrymen. After a brief discussion, Mr. Hood presented Jefferson's thinking on the consequences of not paying "one cent in tribute"—"This is cruelty to the individuals in captivity, but kindness to the hundreds that soon would be so, were we to make it worth the while of those pirates to go out of the straits in quest of us." |
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The second question inquired whether Jefferson was authorized by the Constitution to take such action and, if so, if he was justified in sending the naval squadron to the Mediterranean. Mr. Hood sought to move his students beyond their simplistic conception of "to provide for the common defence," since President Jefferson engaged in what we now call a "police action," a limited military action. As demonstrated by history, the actual meaning of the President's war-making powers, particularly at this time, was vague at best. The Constitution empowers Congress to declare war and the President to wage war, but the area between peace and war is unclear. What Presidential use of the military requires Congressional approval? What constitutes a national emergency or threat to the nation's security and what is the extent of the President's authority to respond to such threats? What is a President empowered to do when Congress is not in session? These and many other questions were only beginning to be asked at the time, let alone answered. Jefferson himself wondered if he had exceeded his authority with actions "unauthorized by the Constitution, without the sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defense," as Congress was to authorize "measures of offense also." As students discussed whether Jefferson was justified in sending the squadron, Mr. Hood asked them to remember that Jefferson was considered the champion of a small national government. |
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The discussion resulting from these questions illustrated that students struggled arriving at clear answers, particularly regarding Presidential authority. Ultimately, they decided that the end justified the means. One student noted: "I think that he made the right decision morally but he didn't follow the rules of the government (Constitution)." At the beginning of the school year, most students' responses to the meaning of "to provide for the common defence" were very literal (i.e., to provide a military and to wage war). Learning about the situations confronting Adams and Jefferson caused the students to add some depth to this definition. Many students agreed with Jefferson's response because, as one student put it, "the pirates were raiding our ships, putting our sailors into slavery and causing harm to U.S. citizens," which extended beyond simply defending the borders of the nation. Another student agreed "because every other option had been explored. The pirates were like bullies that steal lunch money. They will keep picking on you till you fight back." Finally, other students began to realize that the nation's defense might depend, in part, upon how other nations perceived the U.S. One student summarized, "I think that if Jefferson didn't use military force it would make America out to be weak..." |
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Given his students' ability level, Mr. Hood initially was skeptical about a comparative approach, but began to realize the approach's potential when students drew comparisons between the Barbary pirates and today's terrorists after learning enough about the Barbary Pirates to draw this conclusion themselves. As a result, he made a conscious effort not only to enhance their understanding of the Presidents and national security related matters, but also to apply what they were learning to contemporary issues. In hindsight, continually drawing parallels to the historical situations and to related contemporary events strengthened the comparative approach and resulted in richer, deeper learning. |
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The Truman Doctrine and Today | |
In addressing the Truman Doctrine and the decision to supply aid to Greece and/or Turkey, Mr. Hood followed a format similar to one used with the Barbary Pirates. In addition to a read-aloud that provided a historical context for the Truman Doctrine, he provided his students with excerpts from primary sources such as Winston Churchill's Sinews of Peace or "iron curtain" speech, George Kennan's "long telegram," and Josef Stalin's 1946 election speech. In an excerpt from Sinews of Peace regarding elections in Greece, Churchill stated: "Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories—is free to decide its future at an election," while Turkey is "profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made... and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow government." At the time, guerillas on the right and left of the political spectrum were waging war and terrorism in Greece. Students learned how Prime Minister Clement Atlee had informed President Truman that the British government was no longer able to provide Greece and Turkey with economic and military aid, which meant that President Truman had to decide whether and how to respond to the emerging crises in Greece and Turkey. Mr. Hood's students then took on the role of Truman's advisors in a learning activity described in Figure 5.
Figure 5: Student Activity Prompt
The Main Drama Activity: A Time of Uncertainty, A Time to Act?
Since becoming President on April 12, 1945, Harry S. Truman had faced numerous foreign policy threats and challenges, such as the decision to drop an atomic bomb on two Japanese cities and the growing division between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., particularly in Europe. In early 1947, Europe was economically and physically devastated from World War II, and growing dissatisfaction led to the rise to power of Communist Parties in Eastern European nations such as Hungary and Poland.
Advising President Truman Directions: As indicated by the primary sources and readings, President Truman faced a critical juncture in early 1947. He realized that he needed to respond to the worsening situation in Greece and Turkey. While several policy options were available to him, he was unsure which one would best serve the U.S., the two countries, and the larger context. He has called upon you for advice as he prepares to deliver a speech to Congress to present his decision.
Option 1: Provide economic aid only to Greece and Turkey. Option 2: Provide military aid to Greece and Turkey Option 3: Provide economic and military aid to both countries. Option 4: Provide aid either to Greece or Turkey. Option 5: Request the United Nations to assist Greece and Turkey. Option 6: Determine Greece and Turkey are not within U.S. sphere of influence.
Figure 6: Student Activity Prompt
Judging the Truman Doctrine
President Truman requested Congress to provide Greece and Turkey with economic and military aid. His request met with opposition from members of his own party, the Democrats, and from the Soviet Union. You are a member of Congress and need to decide whether to vote for or against President Truman's request. Below is a summary of the arguments made by three men. Please indicate which one is the most persuasive and how you would vote as a result. Explain how you think Truman's request would benefit or hinder the U.S.
President Truman's Position: Greece and Turkey have requested financial and military assistance from the U.S. The official U.S. position is "to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and national integrity." As illustrated by how the Soviets established puppet governments in Poland, Romania, and other nations, the Soviet Union holds the opposite position. The Soviets' actions went against what Stalin agreed to in Yalta. If the Soviet Union was willing to break that agreement, why should we believe that it will feel bound to honor the United Nations Charter? The United Nations also does not yet possess the resources necessary to undertake the relief effort required in Greece and Turkey. The freedom and integrity of Greece and Turkey is at stake. Time is of the essence. If we fail to act with economic and military aid, not only are Greece and Turkey in danger, but the entire Middle East.
Senator Pepper's Position: Economic aid to Greece and Turkey is fine. I oppose providing either nation with military aid. As the principal founder of the United Nations, the U.S. had agreed to work through this organization to eliminate military threats and to ensure regional and global peace. In bypassing the United Nations, the U.S. was informing the world that the organization was a failure. If the U.S. as the world's strongest power was not willing to recognize the legitimacy of the United Nations, why should other nations of the world do so?
Soviet Foreign Minister Vyshinsky's Position: The United States is using economic aid as a political weapon. The U.S. wants Greece and Turkey to oppose the U.S.S.R. I am sure that the Greek government is aware that the aid is not free. How likely is the U.S. to continue providing the aid, for example, if the Greek people elect Communists in the upcoming election? Given how important the aid is to the recovery of the Greek economy, the people surely will want to do whatever is necessary to ensure they continue to receive assistance. In turn, the U.S. is seeking to divide Europe in two and is laying the seed for a future armed conflict by arming these two nations, which lie near the southern borders of the Soviet Union. Imagine how the U.S. would respond if the Soviet Union attempted to provide similar economic and military aid to nations in the Western Hemisphere.
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After the students chose and justified the advice that they would have given Truman, Mr. Hood read part of the Truman Doctrine. Students next participated in an activity where they considered the pros and cons of the Truman Doctrine from the vantage point of three political leaders of the time: President Truman, U.S. Senator Pepper, and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyshinsky. As part of this activity's debriefing, Mr. Hood asked students if they agreed or disagreed with Truman's decision to provide economic and military aid to Greece and Turkey. Keeping in mind Mr. Hood's initial concerns about whether his students were capable of thinking in a complex way about presidential actions "to provide for the common defence," consider the following representative sample of student responses:
Student 1: "I believe it was important at the time because we were trying to contain communism. Greece is the home of democracy and Turkey is in a very good strategic position."
Student 2: "I disagree because I think that we should have let the United Nations help. One, so they don't think we are trying to be better than them. Two, America already had people living on the streets that need help and if we can't help our own people, we shouldn't try to save others."
Student 3: "I agree with his decision, but only partly. I think it was right to give them economic aid, but not military aid. With a better economy they could make their own military or the U.N. could."
Student 4: "He was saving a country from communism. If he did not help, the Soviet Union would have taken over. They would have started with all the smaller countries. Then they would get the big ones. We weren't only thinking of Greece and Turkey, but also all of the other people in the world."
Student 5: "Yes, because they could help us in the long run if we ever needed something."
Student 6: "I agree. Going to the U.N. wouldn't help since the Soviet Union is part of it, so the U.S. had to take matters in its own hands."
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Bringing Closure to the Students' Thinking About "To Provide for the Common Defence" | |
In the third part of the comparative approach, students revisited their initial thinking about "to provide for the common defence." One activity was a discussion where Mr. Hood asked his students what events from the recent past were comparable to what Truman faced with Greece and Turkey. These samples of students' answers indicated quite a range of applications of the situation surrounding the issuance of the Truman Doctrine, and thus the idea of "the common defence," to contemporary issues:
Student A: "Our decisions in the Middle East in an attempt to eliminate the threat of terror seem similar. They have also been difficult decisions and often unpopular."
Student B: "In a way the situation in Iraq is similar. Although we weren't fighting Greece & Turkey, we still had to make decisions on what kind of aid to give to each country."
Student C: "Right now with Bush and Iraq. We are providing Iraq with military aid, but it is not helping them at all whereas in Truman's case it helped them a lot."
Student D: "The events that happened in Somalia were similar because in both cases there were questions of whether we should provide aid or not."
Student E: "On September 11 when the twin towers were invaded by some terrorists. People got together to help clean up and comfort those who had lost something or someone close. What is America if we don't help others?"
Student F: "It is kind of like Israel and Palestine fighting over land. We don't know who to help and what to let it go. Today in the Middle East we have to keep people like Saddam Hussein from taking control of smaller countries."
Student G: "The U.S. helping Afghanistan after they got rid of the Taliban. The U.S. aided them."
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The students' answers vividly illustrated how far the students had traveled from the beginning of the year, when they had defined "to provide for the common defence" simply as the provision of a military to protect the nation's border. Their answers indicated their growing willingness to question a President's action. Even though President Jefferson, for example, took action against the Barbary Pirates without consulting Congress, students initially did not question whether he possessed the authority to do so. When asked several months later whether President Truman's, Senator Pepper's, or Foreign Minister Vyshinsky's position was most compelling, only a little more than half considered the President's position the most persuasive. While ultimately almost all of the students agreed with Truman's decision, in that the end still justified the means, they at least were beginning to peer behind the curtain by questioning the President's reasoning. |
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Initially skeptical, as the year progressed, Mr. Hood and—more importantly—his students began to look forward to each new exploration of a President's encounter with "to provide for the common defence." With the early lessons on Adams and Jefferson, students were not very responsive during the read-alouds, but by the time they got to Madison and the War of 1812, Mr. Hood's students sat in rapt attention. While students were first prone to one- or two-word answers during discussions, toward the end of the term, even the silent students became engaged and voiced their opinions. Mr. Hood noted that when studying McKinley, Wilson, and Truman, the students began to think in more complex ways, to draw comparisons between the history they were learning and the world around them, and to consider the time in which the events were occurring as a factor in how they understood what happened. His students' performance demonstrated to him the effectiveness of the comparative approach. |
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Conclusion | |
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Comparing how past Presidents have acted upon ensuring the nation's defense put a human face on these historical figures for students and gave voice to issues that echo in students' lives today. Throughout the year, as students explored how best "to provide for the common defence," their thinking became more sophisticated, and their confidence in discussing such matters beyond a surface level improved. More importantly, their interest in studying this aspect of history increased and their ability to connect the actions of past Presidents to possible contemporary parallels began to establish a purpose for what they were learning in history. Mr. Hood summed up the approach best when he concluded that the Presidents "became more real" to students, who "began to see more options" when providing for the nation's defense than simply going to war. As their knowledge and skills grew with each case study, students took increased initiative, sought more information, and "brought up information from prior case studies, often sparking discussion." What else would one desire as a history teacher? |
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Notes
1. J. Onosko, "Barriers to the Promotion of Higher-Order Thinking in Social Studies," Theory and Research in Social Education 19 (Fall 1991): 341–366.
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