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Bearing Witness: Teaching the Holocaust from a Victim-Centered Perspective
Jeffrey C. Blutinger
California State University, Long Beach
| A FUNDAMENTAL PROBLEM faced by anyone who wishes to teach the Holocaust, or any other mass slaughter, is the tension between the desire "to allow the dead their voices to make the silence heard,"1 and a historical narrative that often deals almost exclusively on perpetrator actions. This bias in the narrative derives from the tendency in history, particularly in classroom teaching, to focus on historical actors.2 In the case of the Holocaust, this results in teaching the event from a German-centered perspective. This perpetrator-based discourse not only mirrors Nazi language, it exacerbates the image of Jews as going passively to their deaths like sheep to the slaughter.3 |
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This problem of narrative is not unique to the Holocaust; it occurs whenever one is teaching the history of the oppressed. Our bias towards historical actors leads us into a false dichotomy between oppression and resistance, implicitly disparaging those who for whatever reason did not resist but who suffered and died nonetheless. Such an approach also overlooks those who tried to collaborate or cooperate with the oppressor in order either to stay alive or better their condition, since they do not fit easily into this narrative model. |
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The solution to this problem is deceptively simple: to teach the Holocaust both from a victim-centered perspective, as well as from a perpetrator-based perspective. Both are essential in order to give the students a fuller understanding of the issues surrounding this event. This means giving voice to the victims, all the victims, and treating their experience as something of historical value in itself. Yet, almost all the discussion of how to construct a victim-centered narrative has been theoretical.4 In contrast, practical discussion of Holocaust pedagogy has instead focused on questions of what topics to cover, materials to use, and mistakes to avoid, without ever addressing the larger narrative questions.5 On the rare occasions where the idea of a victim-centered narrative has been raised, it has not been explored in a systematic fashion.6 |
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How then can and should an instructor teach this subject from a victim-centered perspective? Survivor testimonies should play a central role in creating such a narrative, but these in turn raise distinct problems for the instructor. These include finding appropriate material to use in the classroom, particularly due to the disparity between the wealth of memoirs on the Jewish experience and the relative paucity of accounts written by non-Jews, but also the methodological problems inherent in this sort of material, namely the atypical experience of the survivor and distortions of memory that can creep into their memoirs. |
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Non-Jewish Survivor Narratives | |
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While there have been a wealth of first-person accounts by Jewish victims that have been published since the Holocaust, it is significantly more difficult to find a similar range of narratives for non-Jewish victims. Books such as Burleigh and Wipperman's The Racial State: Germany 1933–1945 and Michael Berenbaum's edited volume A Mosaic of Victims: Non-Jews Persecuted and Murdered by the Nazis contain excerpts of first-person accounts by political prisoners, asocials, Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals, the disabled, as well as Jews, Roma, and Sinti. Unfortunately, these accounts tend to be rather brief snippets within texts that are otherwise narratively structured around Nazi policy and actions.7 Ina Friedman has published a set of first-person narratives of non-Jewish victims (though she was unable to find any examples of gay men who survived the camps), but her book is more intended for middle-school students than college-age readers.8 |
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While Michael Burleigh's Death and Deliverance: 'Euthanasia' in Germany 1900–1945 is primarily concerned with German and Nazi policies towards the disabled, the book contains a surprising amount of first-person narratives, including excerpts of letters written by children marked for death, as well as other victims of the euthanasia campaign, which were smuggled out of hospitals and sanitoria prior to their authors' murder, as well as numerous descriptions of life and death in German hospitals in the 1930s and 1940s, given by survivors and witnesses.9 In addition, Burleigh provides the complete text of a Nazi pro-euthanasia propaganda film, as well as excerpts from the private diaries of T-4 personnel and examples of their "diagnoses." For example, after the T-4 program was officially suspended, many of the personnel were transferred into the concentration camp system to continue their work. Burleigh reprints the photocard of one female prisoner in Ravensbrück with the doctor's handwritten diagnosis: "Dora Sara S. married Jewess. Twice convicted for abortion. Four years in prison. Parasite on the nation."10 The treatment was murder. |
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Most of the work on homosexuals arrested, imprisoned, and murdered by the Nazis is only in German, with very little translated into English. Richard Plant's The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals remains the most complete work in English on the subject and has numerous first-person accounts of the persecutions launched in 1933, the intensification of arrests in 1937, the treatment of prisoners in the concentration camp system, and the medical experimentation performed on them to make them straight.11 Günter Grau's Hidden Holocaust is a primary source reader for the persecution of gay men and lesbians during the Nazi period. Unfortunately, virtually all of the documents are either statements of Nazi policy or reports on gay or lesbian prisoners by police, SS, or concentration camp personnel; the exceptions are three excerpts of letters written by gay men, all requesting leniency or changes in government policy.12 |
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A few accounts of gay and lesbian life under the Nazis have been published in the last few years. One of the most accessible is Gad Beck's An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin. But while Beck describes his coming of age and love life as a gay man in hiding from the Nazis, the threat he faced was as a Jew, not as a gay man.13 Beck's autobiography is an excellent and very readable account of what it was like to survive as a Mischling (mixed-race) in Nazi Germany, but has very little on the persecution of gay men and lesbians. Similarly, in Erica Fischer's Aimée & Jaguar, which recounts the relationship between Lilli Wust and Felice Schragenheim, the danger they faced came from Schragenheim's Jewishness rather than the same-sex nature of their relationship, and it is only the Jewish partner who was arrested and killed.14 |
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The best first-person account of the persecution of homosexuals during the Holocaust remains Heinz Heger's autobiography: The Men With the Pink Triangle.15 A twenty-two year old university student in Vienna, Heger was arrested on the charge of homosexuality in March 1939, and spent the next six years in a variety of prisons and concentration camps, including Sachsenhausen and Flossenbürg. Finally, in 1945, American troops liberated Heger on a death march to Dachau. In his memoir, he describes in detail the specific treatment meted out to gay prisoners in the camps, where they occupied the lowest rank of Aryan prisoner, and how they were singled out for special punishments or death even by other prisoners. After liberation, Heger applied for reparations, which, as was the general rule for gay survivors, was denied on the grounds that "no restitution is granted to 'criminal' concentration-camp victims."16 The continuing oppression of homosexuals after the war is one of the reasons so few first-person narratives have survived. |
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As with gay men and lesbians, for a long while, there were no serious studies of the genocide of Roma and Sinti during the war, known in the Romani language as the Porrajmos ("the devouring"). Much of the early English-language research on Gypsies has been done by Sybil Milton, while Erika Thurner has done an in-depth analysis of the persecutions and deportations in Austria.17 In 2000, Guenter Lewy published The Nazi Persecution of the Gypsies, which covers both the pre-Nazi as well as post-Nazi treatment of the Roma and Sinti in addition to their persecution under the Nazis.18 All this material, however, concerns German policies regarding the persecution, incarceration, deportation, and extermination of these people, and contains little in the way of first-person accounts. |
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A few survivor narratives have been published since the war. Jan Yoor's Crossing recounts his experiences as a Belgian Rom in France during the war and his work on behalf of the resistance, but has nothing on the extermination camps in Eastern Europe.19 Alexander Ramati's And the Violins Stopped Playing has more detail on the murder of the Roma and Sinti in the German death camps, but unfortunately, the book is a rather shallow and simplistic novelization of a memoir by a Polish Rom survivor, Roman Mirga.20 While Mirga witnessed the burning of the Gypsies in Sobibor from a distance and survived Auschwitz-Birkenau, the novelizer was much more interested in describing Mirga's romantic intrigues than in providing historical details about the Nazi extermination process. |
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Karl Stojka, an Austrian Rom, has produced an unusual memoir in the form of paintings depicting the life and death of Roma in Auschwitz and other camps. Born in Austria in 1931, Stojka was deported to the Gypsy camp at Auschwitz in 1943, and after its liquidation, he was sent to Buchenwald and Flossenbürg. As with Heinz Heger, he was liberated by American forces while on a death march to Dachau. These paintings were executed in the late 1980s, and displayed for a year at the Austrian embassy in Washington, D.C. A catalogue of this exhibit was prepared and published by the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and would make an excellent classroom resource, whether for its depictions of the Roma experience or as part of a study of Holocaust-related art.21 |
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The best source for a variety of first-person narratives of Roma and Sinti victims appears in a supplement to Sybil Milton's article mentioned above. She has gathered together and translated ten separate accounts that document the various stages of the Nazi persecution, such as: internment in various concentration and labor camps; deportations; medical experimentation; daily life in the Auschwitz-Birkenau Gypsy family camp, including the revolts of May and August 1944; the killing of Gypsies at Treblinka; and difficulties faced by Roma survivors in Austria after 1945.22 |
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Jewish Survivor Narratives | |
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When we turn to Jewish first-person narratives, we find the opposite problem from the ones discussed above: instead of too few accounts, we find an almost overwhelming variety, with new memoirs and documents published annually. A complete bibliography of Jewish first-person narratives is not possible within the constraints of this paper, so I will limit myself here to a brief analysis of the most commonly assigned works, and a more detailed analysis of the methodological problems in using survivor narratives in teaching the Holocaust. |
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While The Diary of Anne Frank is probably the most widely read victim narrative, the student who only reads her account receives a very limited and skewed understanding of the Holocaust, since Frank's diary primarily covers her life in hiding. In order to get a more detailed depiction of Jewish life and suffering in the slave labor and death camps, the most commonly assigned texts are Primo Levi's Survival in Auschwitz and Elie Wiesel's Night. Yet even though both Levi and Wiesel were imprisoned in Auschwitz at the same time, their accounts could not be more different. |
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Levi was a twenty-four year old Italian Jew fighting with the partisans when he was captured and sent to Auschwitz-Monowitz in January 1944. Trained as a chemist, his account of his year in the camp is clinical, detached, and dispassionate, describing step by step how the average prisoner was broken down. Throughout his book, Levi sets forth details that concretize the suffering of so many: what it was like to be initiated into the camp, to be on the bottom, alone, stripped, and terrified; back-breaking slave labor imposed on the inmates; morale and morality among the prisoners; treatment in the hospital; and the difficulties of survival. Because Levi was a secular Jew, his text rarely includes references to Jewish beliefs or rituals. On the one hand, that makes his account more accessible to non-Jewish students as there is less that requires supplemental explanations; on the other hand, the reader does not get any sense of how he suffered as a Jew. |
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Wiesel's account, by contrast, is primarily concerned with his sufferings as a Jew and his relationship with God. A sixteen year old student of mysticism, Wiesel was deported, along with his father, mother, and younger sister, to Auschwitz-Birkenau from Hungary in 1944. His mother and sister were gassed, while he and his father, like Levi, became slave laborers. Unlike Levi, much of Wiesel's narrative focuses on his relationship with his father and his relationship with God. This use of religious references and images is one of the most distinctive features of Wiesel's writing, and his memoir is one of the most eloquent examples of the theodicy of protest: one that both affirms a continuing belief in God while accusing God of complicity in evil.23 As a result, he has written an account that is both a record of his physical suffering as well as his spiritual suffering. |
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Where Levi's account describes in simple language the day-to-day suffering of the ever-dying prisoners, Wiesel focuses in a prophetic style on the moral and physical deaths occurring all around him. Family members abandon and turn on each other, just as God has abandoned and turned on His people. Wiesel's use of Jewish religious references and imagery may require some additional explanation for the non-Jewish student, but his spiritual struggle with theodicy is familiar to anyone raised in a western monotheistic religion. At the same time, however, this emphasis on spiritual suffering means his account lacks the Alltäglich quality of Levi's narrative. In choosing between these two accounts for use in the classroom, the instructor should consider which element he or she most wishes to stress in the course. |
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Methodological Problems of Using Survivor Narratives | |
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All these first-person narratives of survivors, whether Jewish or non-Jewish, pose methodological problems for use in the classroom. First and foremost, survivor testimony is atypical, because it is the account of a survivor. Most of those who entered the Nazi camp system, whether gay, Jewish, Roma, or Sinti, did not survive. A student who follows the journey and suffering of a survivor thus will get a distorted view of the Holocaust, since he or she will be reading the story of an exceptional case. Even when the narrator does not survive, as is the case with such ghetto memoirs as Chaim Kaplan's Scroll of Agony, Emmanuel Ringelblum's Notes from the Warsaw Ghetto, or the åódå ghetto notebooks of David Sierakowiak, their death appears "off screen," beyond the main text. As a result, the "worst" remains forever unknowable, beyond our comprehension. We can walk with the victims on their last journey, and narrators such as Filip Müller—a survivor of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Sonderkommando—can even place us in the gas chamber with them, but when the door closes, we remain forever outside, as witnesses who can never fully understand. These survivor narratives are atypical in a second way. As Primo Levi notes in Survival in Auschwitz, the so-called "prominents" were a small minority in Auschwitz, but make up a significant percentage of the camp's survivors.24 Simply put, the life span of an average slave laborer in Auschwitz was three months; in order to survive, a prisoner had to find some way of getting extra food and/or better working conditions. Most of the time, this meant working with the Nazi-camp hierarchy to earn extra privileges. Levi refers to this as a moral "grey zone," where prisoners fell somewhere between the extremes of innocent victim and guilty perpetrator.25 |
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Many survivor narratives were written by people who survived in this grey zone. Certainly Calel Perechodnik, a Jewish ghetto policeman who wrote a memoir/confession describing how he participated in the liquidation of his ghetto in order to save his wife and daughter only to see them taken away to the gas chambers, makes his privileged status a key feature of his account.26 But many of the other survivors were also "prominents" in their own way: Levi himself used his chemistry training to get an indoor position in a lab in the Buna factory in Monowitz; Müller survived because, as a Sonderkommando, he received much better food and living conditions than the average prisoner; and Roman Mirga survived because he assisted Mengele in his medical experiments on Gypsy children by working as a translator. Heinz Heger was able to survive Sachsenhausen and Flossenbürg because he allowed himself to be used sexually by the guards in both camps in exchange for protection, while in Flossenbürg his relationship with one senior guard progressed so far that he was made Capo over a work detail in the slave labor factory (becoming the only gay prisoner in the camp to achieve such a status), where he, in turn, was able to protect others. |
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But survivor testimony also raises questions of reliability and accuracy. Over time, the specifics of memory can fade and survivor accounts can be influenced by later experiences, images, and other testimonies.27 For example, in his study of 173 first-person accounts by survivors of the Starachowice slave labor camp, Christopher Browning found that while they often disagreed as to details of chronology, dates, and persons, there was a "firm core of shared memory."28 Yet as he explored the details of the survivor testimony, he found examples of where survivors used images they had read or seen after the Holocaust in their own account. In one case, a survivor related how she had seen people lined up at the edge of a mass grave and shot. While this is a common image of the Holocaust, no other survivor recounted such an event in that camp, leading Browning to suspect she had simply incorporated that image into her own memory.29 In another case, Browning noticed that while only one account given prior to the film Schindler's List mentioned the prisoners' relief that water—and not gas—came out of shower heads when they arrived at Auschwitz, six accounts given after the film included that detail.30 |
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The act of writing it down can also subtly change the account. One survivor explained that such a memoir "is different because you have more time to phrase your words... In a book, you're also trying to be poetic—you're trying to write."31 Similarly, while Müller wrote his initial account of being a Sonderkommando on his own in 1945 or 1946, when he had it translated into German and English, he hired a "literary collaborator" to prepare a more polished account.32 Whether consciously or not, the narrative constraints of the form can shape the tale dramatically. |
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Perhaps no work better captures the way survivor testimony can blend with the literary than Yaffa Eliach's Hasidic Tales of the Holocaust. These survivor narratives are presented as a continuation of the pre-war Hasidic tradition of story telling (hence the use of "Tales" in the title), and in her introduction, Eliach describes them as "the first major collection of Hasidic tales in over a hundred years..."33 These stories weave together the lived experience of the survivor with their efforts to place that experience within a religious context. For example, in one story, a teenage boy comes to believe the man who rescued him at the selection in Auschwitz was none other than the prophet Elijah, sent to answer his mother's last prayer.34 Eliach states that she attempted to confirm all the historical elements of these tales, but that "some tales in this collection, because of their very nature, cannot be authenticated: tales about dreams or the perception of an individual of a particular reality."35 Yet as she points out, even these stories have value in illuminating the spiritual world of the survivor. |
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Despite these limitations, there is still good reason to use and rely on first-person accounts in teaching the Holocaust. Langer draws a distinction between common memory—the normal self of the pre- and postcamp routines—and deep memory—the Auschwitz self as it was then.36 The survivor, he writes, experiences a tension between these two forms of memory, but while "factual errors do occur from time to time," there "is no need to revive what has never died."37 Like all witness testimony, survivor narratives have vulnerabilities to which the instructor should be sensitive; at the same time, however, the underlying experience was unforgettable. |
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The Burden of Teaching From a Victim-Centered Perspective | |
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Teaching from a victim-centered perspective can deepen a student's understanding, create empathic connections with the material, and transform the way students see history and the world. Through the judicious and nuanced use of first-person narratives and film, an instructor can allow the students to hear the voices of those who were silenced. At the same time, however, both instructors as well as students need to be prepared for the burdens of studying a subject in this fashion. |
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This material not only challenges students intellectually, but also psychologically, emotionally, and even spiritually. Students need to be prepared to read, see, and discuss very disturbing images and accounts. From the first day of class, I let my students know that some of this material may be very emotional, that they should feel comfortable expressing that emotion in class, and that they should never make fun of another student for how they react to these images. I advise students to find some way of coping with the subject, whether through keeping a journal, finding a friend they can talk to about this, or even meeting with a spiritual advisor. |
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This is just as true for the instructor as it is for the students. I once asked a colleague how he coped with the stress and the Holocaust-related nightmares and he replied: "by only teaching this course once a year." It is impossible to fully armor yourself against the subject, and it is often the little things that slip through the chinks and rip your heart. I tell my students the first day of class that not only should they feel comfortable crying, but that I may cry as well from time to time. While part of me wishes that I could just become inured to this material, I also know that if I did so, I would no longer really be engaged with the subject. The pain is an occupational hazard of teaching this sort of history. |
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Notes
1. Terence des Pres, The Survivor: An Anatomy of Life in the Death Camps (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), 36.
2. For examples of college textbooks that focus almost exclusively on perpetrator behavior during the Holocaust, see Jerry Bentley and Herb Ziegler, Traditions & Encounters: A Global Perspective on the Past, vol. 2, 3rd ed. (New York: McGraw Hill, 2006), 1050–1053; William Duiker and Jackson Spielvogel, World History, vol. II, 5th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing, 2006), 704–706; Richard Bulliet, et al., The Earth and its Peoples: A Global History, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2006), 637–638; and John McKay, et al., A History of World Societies, 7th ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2007), 977–980.
3. For critiques of this type of historiography, see Sande Cohen, "Between Image and Phrase: Progressive History and the 'Final Solution' as Dispossession," in Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the "Final Solution," ed. Saul Friedländer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 180–181; and Saul Friedländer, Reflections on Nazism: An Essay on Kitsch and Death, trans. Thomas Weyr (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), 89–92.
4. Saul Friedländer, Reflections on Nazism: An Essay on Kitsch and Death, trans. Thomas Weyr (New York: Harper & Row, 1984); Christopher R. Browning, "German Memory, Judicial Interrogation, and Historical Reconstruction: Writing Perpetrator History from Postwar Testimony," in Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the "Final Solution," ed. Saul Friedländer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Saul Friedländer, "History, Memory and Transference," History & Memory 4 (1993).
5. Samuel Totten and Stephen Feinberg, "Teaching About the Holocaust: Rationale, Content, Methodology, and Resources," Social Education 69, no. 6 (1995); Ian Gregory, "Teaching About the Holocaust: Perplexities, Issues and Suggestions," in Teaching the Holocaust: Education Dimensions, Principles, and Practice, ed. Ian Davies (London: Continuum, 2000); and Samuel Totten and Karen L. Riley, "Authentic Pedagogy and the Holocaust: A Critical Review of State Sponsored Holocaust Curricula," Theory and Research in Social Education 33, no. 1 (Winter 2005).
6. For examples of partial attempts to grapple with the question of whether and how to use first-person testimony in the classroom, see Terry Haydn, "Teaching the Holocaust Through History," in Teaching the Holocaust: Education Dimensions, Principles, and Practice, ed. Ian Davies (London: Continuum, 2000), 142 and Samuel Totten, "Incorporating First-Person Accounts into a Study of the Holocaust," in Teaching and Studying the Holocaust, ed. Samuel Totten and Stephen Feinberg (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2001), 110,118–119.
7. Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) and Michael Berenbaum, ed., A Mosaic of Victims: Non-Jews Persecuted and Murdered by the Nazis (New York: New York University Press, 1990).
8. Ina R. Friedman, The Other Victims: First-Person Stories of Non-Jews Persecuted by the Nazis (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1990). Friedman's book is one of the few places where one can find narratives by Jehovah's Witnesses who were imprisoned in the camps.
9. Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: "Euthanasia" in Germany, 1900–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
10. Ibid., 224, 226.
11. Richard Plant, The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1986).
12. Günter Grau, Hidden Holocaust: Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany 1933–1945 (London: Cassell, 1995), 34–36, 55–59.
13. Gad Beck, An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999).
14. Erica Fischer, Aimée & Jaguar: A Love Story, Berlin 1943, trans. Edna McCown (Los Angeles: Alyson Books, 1994).
15. Heinz Heger, The Men With the Pink Triangle: The True, Life-and-Death Story of Homosexuals in the Nazi Death Camps, rev. ed., trans. David Ferbach (Boston: Alyson Publications, 1994).
16. Ibid., 117.
17. Sybil Milton, "The Holocaust: The Gypsies," in Genocide in the Twentieth Century: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts, ed. Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons, and Israel W. Charney (New York: Garland Publishing, 1995) and Erika Thurner, National Socialism and Gypsies in Austria, trans. Gilya Gerda Schmidt (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998). For an early bibliography of material on this topic, see Gabrielle Tyrnauer, Gypsies and the Holocaust: A Bibliography and Introductory Essay, 2nd ed. (Montreal: Montreal Institute for Genocide Studies, 1991).
18. Guenter Lewy, The Nazi Persecution of the Gypsies (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
19. Jan Yoors, Crossing (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1971).
20. Alexander Ramati, And the Violins Stopped Playing: A Story of the Gypsy Holocaust (New York: Franklin Watts, 1986).
21. The Story of Karl Stojka: A Childhood in Birkenau (Washington D.C.: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 1992).
22. Milton, "The Gypsies."
23. John K. Roth, "A Theodicy of Protest," in Encountering Evil: Live Options in Theodicy, ed. Stephen Davis (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1981), 9–10.
24. Primo Levi, Survival in Auschwitz (New York: Touchstone, 1996), 40–41.
25. Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved (New York: Vintage International, 1988), 42.
26. Calel Perechodnik, Am I a Murderer? Testament of a Jewish Ghetto Policeman, ed. and trans. Frank Fox (Boulder: West View Press, 1996).
27. Totten, "Incorporating First-Person Accounts," 114.
28. Christopher R. Browning, Collected Memories: Holocaust History and Postwar Testimony (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2003), 46.
29. Ibid., 67.
30. Ibid., 84.
31. Lawrence L. Langer, Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruins of Memory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 129.
32. Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 22–25.
33. Yaffa Eliach, "Forward," Hasidic Tales of the Holocaust (New York: Avon Books, 1983), xxi.
34. Yaffa Eliach, "The Mosaic Artist's Apprentice," Hasidic Tales of the Holocaust (New York: Avon Books, 1983), 132–133.
35. Eliach, "Forward," xxx.
36. Langer, Holocaust Testimonies, 5–7.
37. Ibid., xv.
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