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Fifty Years After Brown:
Tarnished Gold, Broken Promises

Julie Gantz
Mt. Everest Academy, San Diego, California

Junior Division Historical Paper, National History Day 2004 Competition


On May 17th of this year our nation celebrated a golden anniversary. 1 2 This date marked the fifty years that have passed since the United States Supreme Court handed down one of its most famous, compelling and iconic decisions, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. 3 4 Certainly the decision itself, labeling the practice of "separate but equal" as unconstitutional, deserves the fanfare and celebration of a golden anniversary. The promise of equality, given in Brown to all Americans, ranks with the other noble promises of American history, such as those made in the Declaration of Independence. Has history treated Brown's promise with care? Or has Brown's promise lost a battle waged with the realities of life in the United States? Brown's golden anniversary provides the opportunity to evaluate these questions and to analyze the answers paying particular attention to the measuring sticks of exploration, encounter and exchange. An exploration of Brown's history and legacy will demonstrate the complexity of the case. An analysis of both the ways in which Brown's promise of equality encountered the realities of life in the United States and the countless exchanges that surround the case will shed light on the state of its legacy since 1954. Taken together, an evaluation using these three measuring sticks will determine whether the gold of the coming anniversary is brilliant and shiny or tarnished by reality. This evaluation will show that the initial hope surrounding Brown's promise was diminished when confronted by the reality of life in America. 1


Explore: Brown's History and Legacy

 
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF) brought four school desegregation cases that were joined by one other such case from the District of Columbia, Bolling v. Sharpe, to the Supreme Court to challenge the existing legal practice of "separate but equal." 5 These four cases came from Topeka, Kansas (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas), Clarendon County, South Carolina (Briggs v. Elliott), Prince Edward County, Virginia, (Davis v. Prince Edward County), and Wilmington, Delaware (Belton v. Gebhart). 6 7 8 9 In each case the plaintiffs suffered due to the legality of the "separate but equal" precedent that had been established sixty years prior in Plessy v. Ferguson. 10 11 12 Specifically, the plaintiffs were blacks whose children had been prohibited from attending white schools in their communities and were instead forced to attend so called black schools. 13 14 15 In two of the cases, Brown and Belton, the black schools were similar in certain tangible measures to the white schools. In the others, Davis, Briggs and Bolling, they were tangibly substandard. 16 17 18 The NAACP LDF attack would center on intangible factors, such as the psychological scars suffered by blacks because of segregation as documented in studies involving black and white dolls by psychologist, Dr. Kenneth Clark. 19 In earlier cases such as McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950) and Sweatt v. Painter (1950) the LDF had successfully attacked the absence of equality in the Plessy doctrine in higher education. 20 21 Now Thurgood Marshall, lead counsel of the NAACP LDF, and his fellow attorneys would argue that segregation itself was inherently unequal. 22 2
      The United States Supreme Court consolidated the five cases under one name, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, and the first round of oral arguments took place December ninth through the eleventh, 1952. The nine justices were unable to reach an agreement on an appropriate decision in the cases and thus ordered reargument. They also instructed both sides to answer five questions concerning the intent of the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment in regards to public education as well as potential strategies to implement desegregation. 23 24 Before the reargument took place Chief Justice Fred Vinson died of a heart attack. President Eisenhower appointed California's governor, Earl Warren, to replace Vinson. Rearguments in Brown occurred from December seventh through the ninth, 1953. On May 17th, 1954, after a great deal of negotiation and compromise among the nine justices, Chief Justice Earl Warren delivered the unanimous opinion of the Court overturning the Plessy precedent of "separate but equal" in public education. 25 26 With that the Supreme Court had removed its stamp of moral authority from the practice of segregation and the constitutional mandate behind Jim Crow had been removed. What would happen next?

3
Encounter: American Reality Encounters Brown's Promise

 
From the time of its founding in 1776, the United States of America has distinguished itself from other nations by its stated commitment to democracy and her companion, equality. The United States' Declaration of Independence, written in 1776, clearly states this higher purpose. As Thomas Jefferson's words announced to the world, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." 27 The institution of slavery prevented the United States from honoring these promises. 28 The Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution gave legal mandate to the Declaration's promises. 29 This time the failures of the post Civil War Reconstruction and the accompanying institution of Jim Crow prevented the United States from honoring the promises of equality and reaching its "nobler destiny." 30 31 The Supreme Court was not kind to America's promises either. Decisions such as Dred Scott v. Sandford and Plessy v. Ferguson bolstered both segregationist laws and beliefs through the Court's approval of their racist tenets. 32 33 An exploration of the lives of ordinary black Americans under Jim Crow demonstrates the fact that when these promises came up against the realities of life in America, reality triumphed and the promise of equality lost out. 34 35 Dorothy Smith, who grew up under Jim Crow in Tennessee, remembers the meager resources in the segregated schools she attended. Her books were old, worn, hand-me-downs from the white schools. Her teachers taught multiple subjects and often worked more than one job unlike their white counterparts. As Smith puts it, "I encountered 'separate but equal' facilities, and they were never 'separate but equal.' It was always separate but unequal." 36 4
      Thus, the United States would enter the twentieth century with a firmly established caste system, placing blacks at the bottom of the social, economic and political hierarchies. 37 It was this caste system and its accompanying segregation that the NAACP LDF sought to dismantle. Particularly abhorrent, was the practice of segregated public education. If blacks encountered exclusion from the educational opportunities enjoyed by whites, how could they break through the caste system and thus participate in the American dream? And if it was the law that facilitated this exclusion, how could the United States fulfill its founding ideals and promises? The NAACP LDF was determined to hold the United States to these ideals and promises. 5
      Through a systematic assault on segregated public education and the larger, overall concept of "separate but equal," the NAACP LDF got the United States Supreme Court to renew its promise of equality to black Americans. Chief Justice Warren gave words to the renewed promise reading the unanimous Brown opinion, "We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal' has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal." 38 With these words the Warren Court acknowledged the constitutional legitimacy of the LDF theories, explored and recognized the existence of a living Constitution that adapts over time, encountered and turned its back on segregation, exchanged Plessy's "separate but equal" precedent for a renewed promise of equality, and gave hope to black Americans that generations of constitutionally sanctioned apartheid had ended. 39 40 41 42 As journalist Anthony Lewis recently said, "Brown sent a lightning bolt of hope down from the Court." 43 6
      The Brown decision reaffirmed the American promise of equality. This is true despite the fact that the Court chose to separate the remedy (how to implement desegregation) from the initial finding ("separate but equal is inherently unequal"). Despite the ambiguous directions from the Court, in what is known as Brown II, the 1955 decision regarding the implementation of desegregation with "all deliberate speed," further exploration shows that Brown's positive effects were far reaching. 44 Brown served as a catalyst and inspiration for the modern Civil Rights Movement. 45 Brown launched the judicial activism of the Warren Court not just in the arena of school desegregation but also in the arenas of criminal justice, voting rights, and the general cause of civil liberties. 46 Brown gave constitutional validity to the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause for all Americans. 47 On the heels of Brown came desegregation in countless public places, restaurants, stores, beaches and parks to name a few. 48 The "Whites Only" and "Colored Section" signs, proclaiming the rules of Jim Crow, would come down following Brown. 49 Despite these advances, Brown's legacy is still unclear. 7
      In the specific arena of public education Brown's legacy is uncertain. Everyone involved in the Brown litigationappellants and defendants, attorneys and justices alikeanticipated encountering massive resistance to the new mandate to desegregate. It is unclear though if any of them could have predicted the ferocity of the resistance they would encounter. In some instances, entire school districts were closed rather than face desegregation. 50 Other cities chose to mobilize law enforcement to prevent black students from attending previously white schools. 51 Nineteen United States Senators and seventy-seven members of Congress wrote and signed the "Southern Manifesto" in 1956 pledging their determination to fight against the Brown mandate claiming that the Supreme Court had overstepped its constitutional powers and encroached on states' rights. 52 The Mississippi State Legislature established the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission, the goal of which was to resist the Brown mandate at all costs. 53 Individual citizens made their feelings of hatred and racism clear through their acts of violence, terror and abuse against the black children desegregating previously all white schools. 54 55 By 1960 in five deep South states, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina, not one black child had attended school with white children. 56 This resistance dampened the hope that came with the initial opinion. Still the battle to hold America to its promises waged on. The NAACP LDF attorneys continued to fight in the courts. These battles played out in cases such as Cooper v. Aaron (1958), Griffin v. Prince Edward County (1964), Green v. County School Board of New Kent County (1968), and Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education (1971). 57 58 59 60 61 Individual citizens, often children, continued to risk their own lives to further the cause, to fulfill their rights, and to force America to live up to its grand promises of equality. 62 8
      Today America still encounters the same paradox between ideals and realities. Brave citizens still work to hold America accountable to its noble promises. In the years following Brown school desegregation did occur despite organized massive resistance. 63 Strengthened by the Court's decisions in Cooper and Green as well as a commitment to enforce the Court's mandates on the part of many federal, state, and local officials the percentage of southern black students enrolled in schools with white majority student bodies increased from .1 percent in 1960 to a high of 43.5 percent in 1988. Since then statistics illustrate a trend of resegregation. The southern high of 43.5 percent dropped to 30.2 percent in 2001. In the West and Midwest over 70 percent of black students attended schools with student bodies that were at least 50 percent black. In the Northeast, due to numerous socioeconomic factors, significant desegregation never took place. 64 65 The trend toward resegregation is due to multiple factors among them is a changing Supreme Court. The Court shifted in ideology and balance after Warren's departure and under the leadership of Chief Justices Warren Burger and William Rehnquist. In cases such as Milliken v. Bradley (1974), Dowell v. Oklahoma City School Board (1991), Freeman v. Pitts (1992), and Missouri v. Jenkins (1995) the Court drew a distinction between de facto and de jure segregation, choosing only to recognize the unconstitutionality of explicitly, state mandated (de jure) segregation and not segregation that occurs as a result of residential patterns (de facto). 66 67 68 69 This encounter between de facto and de jure segregation remains an important and ongoing encounter that continues to significantly shape the legacy of Brown. 70 9
      This encounter, between de jure and de facto segregation, sparked a debate that continues today over the appropriate interpretation of Brown. Did the Brown opinion simply direct school officials to end state mandated segregation, laws using race to determine the placement of students in schools? Or did the Brown mandate direct such officials to go farther, actively pursuing integration in spite of residential trends? To date this question has not been clearly answered. Supporters of the two competing interpretations will continue to fight for preeminence. 71 Regardless of this fight the interpretation plays out in American schools every day with real life impacts on individual students. The answer to this debate must consider the value of integrated schools in the education of children. One side argues that integrated schools are educationally superior for all students and thus should be pursued. Their opponents argue that integrated schools are not educationally necessary and that the costs, monetarily and emotionally, do not "justify their pursuit." 72 73 It seems clear that this encounter has yet to reach resolution and that this part of the Brown legacy remains undecided.

10
Exchange: Brown's Promise Exchanged for American Reality

 
The history surrounding Brown is marked by numerous exchanges. The exchange among the nine Supreme Court justices in reaching a unanimous decision in the case may have been detrimental in terms of the decision's enforcement. 74 Chief Justice Warren was determined that the Court issue a unanimous decision to send a clear moral message to the nation. However, he may have conceded too much in terms of enforcement to reluctant justices, such as Tom Clark and Stanley Reed, thus diminishing the decision's effectiveness. The Brown decision itself represented an exchange in precedent and constitutional theory. The Plessy "separate but equal" doctrine was replaced. The Supreme Court's belief in the supremacy of states' rights was set aside for a belief in federal power and the protected civil rights that come with a national constitution for all citizens. This exchange has seen a return to states' rights under the current Rehnquist Court. These abstract exchanges are not the only ones taking place when it comes to Brown's legacy. 11
      On an intimate, personal level exchanges took place daily in schools and continue to do so today. In the years following Brown individual families made the decision to send their children to integrated schools. This decision did not come easily. In these schools the children often faced hatred, abuse and the threat of death. Melba Pattillo Beals, one of the "Little Rock Nine" describes the abuse she suffered daily while integrating Little Rock's Central High School, striving to hold America to Brown's promise of equal educational opportunity. She, and others like her, exchanged their childhood innocence for the battle-steeled determination of warriors. 75 Today thousands of minority students exchange the familiarity of their neighborhoods, riding buses to schools where they hope to experience an integrated, higher quality education. Whether what awaits them at the end of the bus route is better or not is up for debate. 76 77 78 This question has led to yet another exchange. 12
      At the beginning of the NAACP LDF strategy to end segregation was the pursuit of equalization between the educational opportunities of blacks and whites. Having won this battle a few times, Marshall and his team of attorneys exchanged the fight for equalization in favor of a fight to demonstrate the inherent inequality of segregation and ultimately achieve integration. 79 After fifty years of action trying to define Brown, yet another exchange is taking place. Many have stopped fighting for integration and instead have returned to a fight for equalization. This exchange in priorities recognizes that integration on paper has not always led to quality education in the classroom. The people on this side of the debate seek to equalize black, inner city schools to their white, suburban counterparts. 80 They feel that such equalization might be the closest they will come to holding America accountable to its noble promises of equality and opportunity. 81 82

13
Where Does Brown Stand Today?

 
An examination of Brown and its legacy, especially on this historic fiftieth anniversary would be incomplete without analyzing where both stand today. 83 Clearly America is a better place since Brown. The caste system in existence under Jim Crow is gone as witnessed in part by the rise of the black middle class and the number of prominent black leaders in the United States. 84 However, the deleterious impacts on blacks of both slavery and Jim Crow remain today as illustrated by the horrors of life in modern inner cities. 85 86 Progress has been made in the two generations since Brown but it has not been sufficient to say that America has lived up to its noble promise. The as yet undecided Brown legacy is seen in the national resegregation trends, in the debate over the distinction between de jure and de facto segregation, and in the disputes over affirmative action. 87 88 89 In the midst of all of this it is important to remember what really matters. Is America living up to its promises? Do all Americans have equal opportunities to succeed and achieve? Do all American children have equal access to quality education? Those questions must be kept at the center of any debate. But there is yet another, perhaps more vexing, question that will determine Brown's legacy. 14
      What exists in the hearts and minds of Americans when it comes to race and integration? Chief Justice Warren was criticized following Brown for issuing an opinion based in psychology and sociology, explicitly recognizing the damage of segregation on the "hearts and minds" of children, and attempting to dictate what people felt. It is these feelings though that may in reality determine the Brown legacy. More than court action or school district policy, more than judicial opinions or even residential trends, the commitment that individual Americans make to their country's noble promises, to equality and opportunity for all, to democracy, to the storied "more perfect union" will determine the legacy of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. It is this commitment that will determine both the extent of, as well as the success of, integration inside and outside of America's schools. Twentieth century American jurist Learned Hand wrote, "I often wonder whether we do not rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon laws, upon courts. These are false hopes. Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women, when it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court can save it." 90 Thus on this year's fiftieth anniversary of Brown all Americans must explore their personal commitments to America's promises and what they are willing to do to realize them. Have their individual encounters helped to make this a truly golden anniversary? Or have their actions tarnished the golden promises of Brown, and of America, itself, exchanging disillusion for hope? What lies in the hearts and minds of Americans will determine how Brown's next anniversary is celebrated.

15
Appendix A

 

The following is a transcription of the five questions that Justice Felix Frankfurter wrote. The Supreme Court ordered that both sides provide written answers to the five questions before the 1953 reargument. These were taken from Brown v. Board of Education Caste, Culture, and the Constitution written by Robert J. Cottrol, Raymond T. Diamond, and Leland B. Ware. A formal citation for this book is found in the secondary source section of the bibliography.

  1. What evidence is there that the Congress which submitted and the State legislatures and conventions which ratified the Fourteenth Amendment contemplated or did not contemplate, understood or did not understand, that it would abolish segregation of public schools?
  2. If neither the Congress in submitting nor the States in ratifying the Fourteenth Amendment understood that compliance with it would require the immediate abolition of segregation in public schools, was it nevertheless the understanding of the framers of the Amendment:
    1. that future Congresses might, in the exercise of their power under section 5 of the Amendment, abolish such segregation, or
    2. that it would be within the judicial power, in light of future conditions to construe the Amendment as abolishing such segregation of its own force?
  3. On the assumption that the answers to questions 2(a) and (b) do not dispose of the issue, is it within judicial power, in construing the Amendment, to abolish segregation in public schools?
  4. Assuming it is decided that segregation in public schools violates the Fourteenth Amendment:
    1. would a decree necessarily follow providing that, within the limits set by normal geographic school districting, Negro children should forthwith be admitted into schools of their choice, or
    2. may this Court, in the exercise of its equity powers, permit an effective gradual adjustment to be brought about from existing segregated systems to a system not based on color distinctions?
  5. On the assumption on which questions 4(a) and (b) are based, and assuming further that this Court will exercise its equity powers to the end described in question 4(b)
    1. should this Court formulate detailed decrees in these cases;
    2. if so, what specific issues should the decrees reach;
    3. should this Court appoint a special master to hear evidence with a view to recommending specific terms for such decrees;
    4. should this Court remand to the courts of first instance with directions to frame decrees in these cases, and if so, what general directions should the decrees of this Court include and what procedures should the courts of first instance follow in arriving at the specific terms of more detailed decrees?


Appendix B

What is Brown?

  1. What do you think of when you hear the term Brown?
  2. Does it mean anything to you beyond the color? Beyond the shipping business? (list unusual responses: chocolate, dirt, etc.)
  3. What if I said Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas?
    If respondent correctly identifies Brown, question further. If the respondent still does not recognize the Supreme Court case, identify it as such and ask about recognition. Once respondent correctly recognizes Brown, question further.
  4. What was the case about?
  5. What was the result of the decision?
    1. "Separate but equal is not equal." if so, what specific issues should the decrees reach;
    2. ended school segregation
    3. other
  6. Can you tell me anything about the case?
    Potential Responses
    Linda Brown, Thurgood Marshall, Orville Faubus, Eisenhower,
    Earl Warren, other
    Supreme Court
    NAACP
    Desegregation, segregation, integration
    busing
    Jim Crow
    Schools, education
    "separate but equal"
    "with all deliberate speed"
    white flight
    resistance
    Little Rock Nine
    other knowledge
  7. How do you rank Brown in American history? very important, moderately important, mildly important, not at all important

Thank you for your time.



Primary Sources

Articles

Carter, Robert L. "The Unending Struggle for Equal Educational Opportunity." TCR Summer95, Vol. 96, Issue 4. 14 February 2004 <http://www.tcrecord.org>.
      Carter surmises that, at the fortieth anniversary of the Brown decision, racial discrimination and the dual school system in public schools are commonplace. In 1979, Linda Brown sought the help of the courts in securing for her children the educational benefits that her father had "won" for her in 1954. Carter recalled that the NAACP counsel in the Brown case sought integration as a "means to the objective, not as the objective itself."

Huston, Luther A. "On This Day." May 18, 1954, New York Times 21 February 2004 <www.nytimes.com/learning/general.onthisday/big/0517.html#article>.
      The New York Times carried the Brown decision on their headline, "High Court Bans School Segregation: 9-0 decision grants time to comply." The text of the article summarized Chief Justice Warren's reading of the two opinions, Brown and Bolling v. Sharpe, thereby overturning Plessy in the realm of public education, with a unanimous decision.

Lewis, Anthony. "Since the Supreme Court Spoke." May 10, 1964, New York Times 7 May 2004 <http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/nytimes/97391049.html>.
      Lewis' review of the ten years immediately following Brown is accompanied by a collection of photographs entitled "The Racial Decade." The twelve pictures in the collection mark twelve distinct chapters of race relations beginning with the May 1954 Supreme Court decision and ending with a protest by whites opposed to school busing. Lewis describes the Brown decision "as the spark of a revolution in American attitudes toward the race problem." He details the civil rights achievements that followed Brown while acknowledging the distance remaining to travel.

Books

Beals, Melba Pattillo. Warriors Don't Cry. New York: Pocket Books, 1994.
      Melba Pattillo Beals was one of the "Little Rock Nine," and this is her personal account of her experiences as a student selected to begin the integration of Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. This account reflects the impact of Brown II's ambivalent remedy. Pattillo Beals also poignantly details the horrors that the black students integrating previously all white schools encountered on a daily basis. She sheds light on the exchange these brave students made, sacrificing the familiarity and support of their communities in hopes of both furthering the larger national cause of integration and their own educations. As a young person exploring her place in the world at large Pattillo Beals, and her peers in the "Little Rock Nine," changed a country.

Counts, Will. A Life is More Than a Moment. Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1999.
      Will Counts' photographic journey explores the 1957 desegregation of Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. Governor Orville Faubus ordered the National Guard to prevent nine black students from entering the school. President Eisenhower would later order the 101st Airborne soldiers to protect the students from the threatening encounters awaiting them. These photographs explore the treatment that this group of students, known as the "Little Rock Nine," encountered. Several of the photographs depict one of the "Little Rock Nine," Elizabeth Eckford, being taunted by a white student, Hazel Bryan. Hazel later recalled acting in this manner because "everyone else was." In 1997, Hazel and Elizabeth met and exchanged their memories and feelings as plans were being made for the 40th anniversary of Central High's integration. Photos from Central High in 1997 show an integrated student body, a distinct change from forty years earlier that represents a positive step towards realizing Brown's legacy.

Evers-Williams, Myrlie, and Melinda Blau. Watch Me Fly. U.S.A.: Little, Brown and Co., 1999.
      Ms. Evers, the first full time chairperson of the NAACP, is also the widow of murdered civil rights activist Medgar Evers. Evers explores and details her life in the movement. The Brown decision came at the same time that her husband was seeking admission to the all-white law school at the University of Mississippi. The strong opposition to Brown from segregationists (who dubbed the day of the decision "Black Monday") was most fierce in Mississippi where they formed the powerful Citizens' Council to fight desegregation. The Mississippi state legislature created the "Sovereignty Commission" to protect the state's "'sovereign right' to a segregated society." In Mississippi it was more than ten years after Brown before one black child enrolled in a white school. Following the Brown decision, blacks encountered increased violence including lynchings.

Greenberg, Jack. Crusaders in the Courts. U.S.A.: Basic Books, 1994.
      Greenberg's autobiography provides an invaluable, firsthand account of the school desegregation cases from one of the key players. Greenberg details not only the historical facts surrounding the desegregation cases but provides keen insight from his personal perspective as one of the NAACP LDF attorneys that argued before the Supreme Court. He discusses the development of strategy, from the pursuit of equalization in higher education to the legal assault on segregation itself in public schools. He also sheds light on the aftermath of Brown from his position as the lead counsel of the LDF following Thurgood Marshall and into the 1980's. He includes photographs to further illustrate the events of his life.

Lewis, John, and Michael D'Orso. Walking With the Wind. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998.
      Congressman John Lewis' autobiography describes the life of a black man who came of age in the wake of Brown. He was fourteen and finishing his freshman year in a segregated high school when the decision was rendered. Shortly after Brown II in 1955, the hope and excitement Lewis felt after the 1954 opinion had been vanquished by the reality of life in Alabama where violence against blacks increased and his school situation went unchanged. Lewis looks at 1955, the year of Brown II, as a "watershed" for the larger civil rights movement. Personally, the year and a half following Brown served to make Lewis feel foolish for having believed the promises of equality would be fulfilled. Still, the decision served as a catalyst, an opening step for the civil rights movement. Lewis recalls that the first Freedom Ride had been planned to culminate on May 17th, 1961 to coincide with the Brown anniversary.

Martin, Waldo E. Jr., editor. Brown v. Board of Education; A Brief History With Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1998.
      This collection of primary source documents includes newspaper editorials, letters to editors and political cartoons with accompanying commentary centered on the reaction to the Brown decision. The documents in the collection represent a wide range of viewpoints, regions and publications. The viewpoints run from supportive to antagonistic. The regions include New York City, Atlanta, Pittsburgh, Jackson, Mississippi, Arkansas, Los Angeles and Boston. The publications include the highly regarded New York Times, Boston Herald, Los Angeles Times and Chicago Sun Times; black newspapers such as the Pittsburgh Courier, Chicago Defender and the Atlanta Daily World; white college student papers from the University of Virginia and the University of Mississippi; and southern white newspapers such as the Atlanta Constitution, Arkansas Gazette, Jackson (Mississippi) Daily News, and the Washington Post Times and Herald. Other documents include The Southern Manifesto of March 12, 1956. From these documents it becomes apparent that the Brown decision was the focus of national attention eliciting strong emotions and opinions, both positive and negative.

Patterson, James T. Brown v. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
      Patterson's book contains numerous photographs and reprints of political cartoons concerning Brown. One example is the photograph of President Johnson signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that was assisted into realization by Brown. Patterson analyzes the sentiments of various social groups surrounding the Brown decision. Desegregation advocates were certain that the integration of public schools would allow the American dream of equal opportunity to become reality. This certainty was based on the influential role of education. In 1947, President Truman's Committee on Civil Rights had argued that a great deal of evidence existed stating that an environment favorable to civil rights will happen when diverse peoples are allowed to work and play together. Thurgood Marshall viewed segregation to be as equally damaging as inequality as it did not allow blacks in the South to even have a glimpse of their potential. Marshall further thought that schools were the best target for integration due to the influential role of education, therefore, schools became the targets of litigation. Many whites feared that integration in education would lead to interracial dating and marriage. The Brown decision reached far beyond schools as it served to motivate other rights conscious groups. It is viewed as being the "watershed" for the modern civil rights movement as well as the modern Supreme Court. John Salmond, a civil rights historian, interpreted the Brown decision to instill pride in the greatness of the United States and to be a visible separation from other countries.

Wilson, Paul E. A Time to Lose: Representing Kansas in Brown v. Board of Education. Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1995.
      Wilson's account stands out in that it is the most comprehensive detailing of the losing side in the Brown cases. He asserts that his is the only such account. This is a valuable tool to explore the monumental case in the historical context of 1950's America. Paul Wilson is one of the lone remaining states' attorneys who argued in Brown. He sheds light on what it was like to represent the Topeka school board and thereby oppose the NAACP in the Brown case. As the original Brown case made its way to the Supreme Court, Paul E. Wilson served as an assistant attorney general to the state of Kansas. It was his responsibility to, as he puts it, "defend the indefensible."

Cases

Belton v. Gebhart, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
      The Delaware case consolidated under Brown. The case was notable because black students in Delaware received relatively equal schooling to whites in tangible terms. This made it a good case for the NAACP LDF to use to challenge the inequality of segregation itself.

Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497 (1954).
      The Washington, D.C. case challenging "separate but equal." It was decided on the same day as Brown but the justices used the Fifth Amendment instead of the Fourteenth Amendment to support their decision since the District of Columbia is governed differently than states.

Briggs et al. v. Elliott et al., 98 F. Supp. 529 (1951).
      The South Carolina case that was consolidated by the Supreme Court under Brown in which the plaintiff Harry Briggs challenged the abject inequality of the black schools in Clarendon County, South Carolina. The federal district court in South Carolina had ruled that segregation was permissible under Plessy v. Ferguson and that public education was a state's prerogative. The court recognized a constitutional right to equalization and allowed time for South Carolina to make equalization a reality.

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Shawnee County, Kansas, 98 F. Supp. 797 (1951).
      The case heard in the United States District Court, District of Kansas that would become the first case listed by the Supreme Court. The judges expressed a desire to rule for the plaintiffs and end segregation in Kansas' schools. However they felt bound by the Plessy precedent and decided to wait for a Supreme Court ruling.

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Brown I), 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
      This was the title given to the four school desegregation cases heard by the Supreme Court. The Court chose to put Oliver Brown's name first, though it was not alphabetically so, to take pressure off the South.

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Brown II), 349 U.S. 294 (1955).
      This was the implementation decision following the 1954 finding in Brown I. The opinion is infamous for its use of the ill-defined term "all deliberate speed" to govern desegregation.

Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958).
      The case centered on desegregation in Little Rock, Arkansas following massive resistance on the part of Governor Orville Faubus. The justices tried to make it clear that violence, and the threat thereof, would not prevent desegregation from moving forward.

Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County, 103 F. Supp. 337 (1952).
      The Virginia case consolidated under Brown. Teenager Barbara Johns was instrumental in bringing the NAACP LDF into Prince Edward County to fight for desegregation.

Dowell v. Oklahoma City School Board, 498 U.S. 237 (1991).
      A federal court found the district to be "unitary" leading the school board to vote for a return to segregation. The Supreme Court held that unitary status was sufficient to preclude a district from its responsibility to maintain desegregation.

Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857).
      This was the famous decision during the time of Chief Justice Roger Taney that found the Missouri Compromise unconstitutional. The decision also stated that blacks were not citizens and thus not entitled to equal protection under the law. The citation for this case is made tricky by the fact that a Court clerk misspelled John Sanford's name as "Sandford." The Court never corrected this error.

Freeman v. Pitts, 503 U.S. 467 (1992).
      In this case the Supreme Court relaxed the responsibility, established in Green, of school districts to desegregate.

Green v. School Board of New Kent County, VA, 391 U.S. 430 (1968).
      A case challenging the constitutionality of "freedom of choice" plans. The Court ruled that segregated dual school systems must be taken apart "root and branch."

Griffin v. County School Board of Prince Edward County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964).
      The Supreme Court tried to stop a plan to close down the public schools rather than desegregate. Justice Hugo Black gave word to the Court's thinning patience writing that there is "entirely too much deliberation and not enough speed" in applying the Brown mandate.

Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado, 413 U.S. 189 (1973).
      The first Supreme Court ruling on school segregation in the West where there was technically no de jure segregation. This case recognized the rights of Latinos in addition to blacks to desegregated, equal education.

McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education, 339 U.S. 637 (1950).
      In this case the Court ruled that the University of Oklahoma's segregationist policies were in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause. The Court recognized the value of intangibles, such as the ability to study and interact with other students, in an equal education.

Milliken v. Bradley (Milliken I), 418, U.S. 717 (1974).
      The Detroit case limited the possibility to include suburbs within a city's desegregation plans. This is interesting to consider in light of the prevalence of white flight. Justice Thurgood Marshall wrote an eloquent dissent in the case.

Milliken v. Bradley (Milliken II), 433 U.S. 267 (1977).
      The Court ruled that a district could be held responsible for making reparations to students who suffered an unequal education due to segregation.

Missouri v. Jenkins, 515 U.S. 70 (1995).
      The Supreme Court ended the judicial oversight of a resegregated district with a large majority of black students and very poor conditions in the schools.

Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896).
      This was the infamous decision establishing "separate but equal" as a constitutional precedent. In this case the justices refused to acknowledge that states were bound by the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment. Justice Harlan wrote a famous dissent in the case, stating that the "constitution is colorblind."

Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971).
      Under Chief Justice Burger, the Court attempted to clarify its position on remedy powers. The opinion states, "The nature of the violation determines the scope of the remedy."

Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950).
      The Court ruled that the University of Texas School of Law had to admit black students. The Court recognized the importance of certain intangibles, such as prestige, in a law school education. Decided on the same day as McLaurin, the case marked one step in the NAACP LDF assault on segregation.

Documents

Civil Rights Act of 1964. 2 July 1964. 10 December 2003 <http://www.toptags.com/aama/docs/Act1964.htm>.
      The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed by President Johnson, ended segregation in all public places and expanded the definition of civil rights for all Americans. The Brown decision was an integral step in the realization of this Act of 1964.

Executive Order 10730. 23 September 1957. 10 December 2003 <http://www.Toptags.com/aama/docs/eo10730.htm>.
      This Executive Order was enacted by President Eisenhower to end segregation in Little Rock's Central High School. The Order authorized military action to implement desegregation as mandated by Brown.

Flemming, Arthur S., Horn, Stephen, Freeman, Frankie M., Ruiz, Manuel Jr., Rankin, Robert, Saltzman, Murray, and Buggs, John A. Fulfilling the Letter and Spirit Of the Law: Desegregation of the Nation's Public Schools. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1976.
      This report presents the Commission's perspective on the state of school desegregation at the nation's bicentennial. The Commission describes a steadily improving rate of desegregation and cites the benefits to children of all races gained from integrated education.

General Management Plan, Development Concept Plan, Interpretation, and Visitor Experience Plan. Brown v. Board of Education National Historic Site, August, 1996.
      Established on October 26th, 1992, the Brown v. Board of Education National Historic Site was dedicated to honoring the landmark Supreme Court decision. This designation displays Brown's iconic status as it is the only Supreme Court decision to be so honored. One of the site's goals is to educate visitors about the importance of this monumental decision and to ensure that its positive legacy will endure.

Miller, George R. Letter to Mr. Fred Bulah. 18 December 1950. "The Brown Cases, 1950-1952" 11 January 2004 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources>.
      This reply letter from the Delaware State Board of Education to Mr. Fred Bulah, one of the appellants in the Delaware desegregation cases, demonstrates the de jure school segregation in place prior to Brown.

The Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. "Founding Charter Document," 1957. 11 December 2003 <http://www.toptags.com/aama/events/scommis.htm>.
      This charter establishes the scope and purpose of the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. The Mississippi State Legislature established the Commission in response to the Supreme Court mandate in Brown to desegregate public schools. The Commission's goal was to resist the mandate at all costs. This is an example of the "massive resistance" in the South to Brown.

A Petition to the President and the Congress of the United States. 14 April 1959. Official File 142-A, "Negro Matters-Colored Question" folder, Box 731, White House Central Files. Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas. 10 January 2004 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources>.
      A petition signed by leaders such as, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Jackie Robinson, and Daisy Bates, asking the U.S. Congress and President Eisenhower to enact legislation to implement Brown.

A Sharecrop Contract. 1882. 11 December 2003. <http://www.toptags.com/aama/docs/sharecrop.htm>.
      This document shows the lack of opportunity for blacks in the United States, even after the Civil War and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. Blacks were kept in a position as close to slavery as possible through Jim Crow laws.

Situation Report: Arkansas. 7 March 1958. Events at Central High School Official File 142-A, "Little Rock, Arkansas School Integration" folder, Box 732, White House Central Files. Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas. 15 December 2003 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources>.
      This daily report, from the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Military Operations, describes abuse directed at the black students integrating Little Rock's Central High School as well as gunshots in the superintendent's car.

Interviews

Benson, Victoria Jean. Telephone interview. 10 May 2004.
      Ms. Benson is the daughter of Maude Lawton, who was one of the parent plaintiffs in the Kansas case. At the time of the Brown decision in 1954, Ms. Benson was eight years old, and attending a segregated elementary school. Ms. Benson described how her mother came to be a plaintiff in Brown. The Lawton family lived within the same community as a number of plaintiffs and NAACP workers. McKinley Burnett was the President of the local NAACP chapter at the time. Mr. Burnett was a family friend who also attended the same church. The Lawtons were also neighbors of Charles Scott Sr. and his family. Ms. Benson said that ultimately her mother thought that segregation was wrong, and that any type of injustice should not be allowed to continue. As a result, she took the brave step of signing her name onto the list of plaintiffs in Brown. Even though she was only eight years old at the time of the 1954 decision, Ms. Benson did not attend a desegregated school until she reached junior high school. Ironically, the Topeka middle schools had been desegregated prior to Brown. This policy anomaly still haunts Ms. Benson to this day. She asks herself why the Topeka School Board would inflict segregation on its youngest students. Ms. Benson's younger brother was the first child in the Lawton family to attend a desegregated elementary school. She recalls the anxiety before, during, and after Brown on the part of black teachers who were afraid that they would lose their jobs if desegregation took place. Living in Topeka Ms. Benson did not encounter the "horror story" interactions with whites as did other blacks. In fact she recalls that blacks in Topeka in general did not experience the violence and horror encountered by blacks in other parts of the country. Ms. Benson explained that once the white students in her junior and senior high schools realized that she did not intend to cause problems or controversies, they developed good relationships. She went on to complete cosmetology school where she was the first black student. Ms. Benson has worked as a cosmetologist for thirty-four years. She does not want the children of today to forget the struggles of their ancestors. Ms. Benson feels that, "we can all learn from one another." Summing things up, she said that, "God didn't create people to be mean to each other or to discriminate. That's why my mother put her name down."

Bersin, Alan. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
      Mr. Bersin is the Superintendent of the San Diego Unified School District. Before obtaining this position, he was a United States Attorney in San Diego. This combination gives him a unique perspective on Brown in general and its particular legacy in San Diego. Mr. Bersin stated emphatically that, "Brown ended apartheid in America since before the decision the law prescribed segregation of the races." He said that in 1977 the San Diego Unified School District was composed of "seventy percent white children and thirty percent children of color. In 2004 those percentages are reversed." He noted that in the late 1970s, busing was the only option to achieve school integration. Residential segregation continues to be an obstacle in achieving integration. San Diego is not immune to the racism that is pervasive in the United States. It is the issues of race and class that have been, and will continue to be, challenges for America according to Mr. Bersin. He pointed out that students in today's desegregated schools are "standing on the shoulders of the pioneers who fought to end segregation." In Bersin's view, when Brown's one-hundredth anniversary is celebrated, " fifty years from now, we'll be that much closer to achieving equal educational opportunities for all of San Diego's children."

Brown, Harold. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
      Mr. Brown is a former teacher, college professor, Deputy Director of the U.S. Peace Corps in Lesotho, Africa, and CORE worker who fought for fair housing for blacks. He recalls being harassed by whites on his way to school as a young boy. Not only did he and his peers have to pass higher quality white schools on their way to poorly funded black schools but they daily encountered verbal abuse and taunts from white adults and children alike. He also remembers his cross-country drive to Southern California to continue his higher education. He and a friend drove straight through because there were no motels in which they could stay. There were also no restaurants or bathroom facilities for them to utilize. Mr. Brown is an advocate of the equalization of educational opportunities. He believes that busing is too costly an option to achieve integration when so many schools in inner cities are woefully under-funded. He also believes that inner city, minority communities would be strengthened by keeping their children in neighborhood schools.

Davis, Maurita Burnett. Telephone interview. 10 May 2004.
      Ms. Davis is the daughter of McKinley Burnett who was the President of the Topeka branch of the NAACP during Brown. Mr. Burnett was an initiator and strategist in the Kansas case. Mr. Burnett was one of the people responsible for exploring Topeka's black community in search of potential plaintiffs. Ms. Davis described various encounters that she and her family experienced as a result of the Brown litigation. For example, she said that the black teachers were not nice to the students whose families were involved in the case. The black teachers were anxious over the prospect of losing their jobs if desegregation took place and took out their anxieties and resentments on the students. Ms. Davis recalls being interviewed frequently by a school psychologist during the Brown litigation. The psychologist asked her lots of questions about her father and the case. Her father faced negative encounters in the workplace. Mr. Burnett worked at the Veteran's Hospital. He never received promotions that he deserved on the basis on merit because of his involvement in Brown. He daily had to read items to his illiterate boss but still was never promoted. Despite these negative consequences her father maintained his involvement in the case, exchanging his personal welfare for a greater good. Mr. Burnett continued fighting to end segregation because he knew it was for the betterment of all and "he believed in righting all wrongs." Each year on May 17th, Mr. Burnett marked Brown's anniversary with a tea party for family and friends. The party's refreshments may have been simple because of her father's income but the celebration was no less heartfelt.

Greenberg, Jack. E-mail interview. 23 May 2004.
      Jack Greenberg was one of the NAACP LDF attorneys who argued the Delaware portion of the Brown case. He continued his work with the NAACP LDF for thirty-five years, arguing cases involving issues such as school integration, voter registration, fair housing, and equal employment. In 1961 he became Director-Counsel of the LDF, succeeding Thurgood Marshall in that position. He has been the Dean of Columbia College. Greenberg continues to be on the faculty of Columbia Law School. As a firsthand participant in developing the strategy leading to Brown, executing that strategy in the courts, and working to fulfill the Brown legacy, Greenberg provides unparalleled insight into the historic case. He cites the massive resistance to the decision as the largest barrier to fulfilling its legacy, specifically noting the "Southern Manifesto," anti integration laws adopted by southern states which included "procedures to make it difficult, to impossible, for blacks to transfer to white schools and laws that closed schools if blacks entered," and the fact that southern governors called out the national guard to stop black students from entering previously all white schools. Greenberg sees this resistance, and more importantly the deep prejudice that it represents, as having a more harmful effect on the implementation of Brown than the often-debated phrase, "all deliberate speed," used by Chief Justice Warren in Brown II. As he puts it "language could not counteract such deep prejudice. Words alone could not have made things different." He feels that the Civil Rights Movement did in fact make a difference in fulfilling Brown's legacy.

Scott, Charles Jr. Telephone interview. 11 May 2004.
      Mr. Scott, an attorney, has a unique role in the context of Brown. His father, Charles Scott, Sr., was one of the attorneys in the Kansas case. Working for the NAACP, Mr. Scott, Sr. was responsible for exploring for plaintiffs to bring a suit against the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. Mr. Scott, Jr. explained the qualities and factors for which his father was looking in potential plaintiffs saying that he was looking for "black kids who lived in areas near whites only schools whose parents would be willing to try to enroll them in the white schools." The NAACP knew that the attempts to enroll the black students would be denied because of the practice of segregation. The denial would be the basis of the NAACP case attacking segregation. Mr. Scott, Jr. discussed the encounters from inside and outside of the black community that his father, and his family as a whole, encountered as a result of the Scott family's role in Brown. Within the black community the Scotts received no support, particularly financially, making life difficult. The younger Scott's unique role in Brown stems from his participation in Brown III, a case brought by Linda Brown Henderson on behalf of her children in 1979. At issue in Brown III, was the fact that the schools in Topeka were as segregated in 1979 as they had been in 1954. As Mr. Scott, Jr. said the schools were "still exactly the same." He never thought that he would be involved in another Brown case as his father had been before him. He assumed that desegregation would occur as ordered by the Supreme Court. Eventually, in 1994, the Topeka Board of Education was able to devise an acceptable plan to desegregate its schools. A component of the plan was the creation of magnet schools in Topeka, one of which is named for the Scott family. Mr. Scott, Jr. pointed out one of the ironies of the Brown legacy. "Brown has done a lot of good in integrating other branches of American life but did little good in schools," a fact that remains true today. He continued, saying that most schools are still as segregated today as they were before Brown. Mr. Scott, Jr. shared his feelings that if we as a country never desegregate our schools, we will never have a truly integrated society with equal opportunity for all Americansblacks, whites, and all other minorities.

Smith, Dorothy L. W. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
      Dorothy L.W. Smith attended segregated elementary, junior high, and high schools in Tennessee. After graduating as class valedictorian from Weakley High School in 1957, she was denied admission to the University of Tennessee because she is black. Thus she was forced to attend the historically black, Philander Smith College, in Little Rock, Arkansas. She finished her Bachelor's Degree in English from California State University, Long Beach in 1969. Mrs. Smith went on to become a member and president of the San Diego Unified School District's Board of Education. She described what it was like to grow up as a child in Jim Crow Tennessee, saying that, "we knew that we were separated from whitesI felt deprived in the town. There were separate white and colored windows at the hamburger placewe couldn't use the facilities that we paid taxes for." Despite these injustices, Mrs. Smith saw hope both within her community and the black schools. "The schools were a bright spot in my life. There were people who cared about me, helped me, and brought me books. In school I learned what I needed to know. In my home I learned I could be anything I wanted to be." Even though she felt love and compassion from her family, church, and school Mrs. Smith knew at a young age that the tangible quality of her education was not equal to that received by white children. "I encountered 'separate but equal' facilities, and they were never 'separate but equal.' It was always separate but unequal." Mrs. Smith went on to say that Brown's promise of equality remains unfulfilled. "We have not really worked hard enough to fulfill the legacy, to fulfill the dream." She feels that future generations must work towards achieving true integration and equality.

Smith, George Walker. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
      The Reverend George Walker Smith, the first black elected to public office in San Diego, and a former member and president of the San Diego Unified School District's Board of Education, grew up the son of a sharecropper in segregated Alabama during the 1930s. He remembers that, "all hell broke out" following the Brown decision. He shared first-hand accounts of the killing, mistreatment, and discrimination that blacks in his Alabama community of Haynesville faced daily. Reverend Smith and his family of eleven children lived just a step above slavery. He recognized education as his tool to break free. Even though the schools he attended were poor and ill equipped, receiving $39 in funding each year per black student compared with the $239 spent on each white student, his teachers, "instilled in me, and my classmates, hope. They filled my head up with hope. No one can take it out." Good fortune allowed him to attend a private, parochial high school where he excelled and graduated as class valedictorian. After earning his degree from Knoxville College in Tennessee Smith wanted to attend medical school but was rejected because of the color of his skin. As a result he changed his career goals from medicine to ministry, becoming a Presbyterian minister, moving to San Diego to serve in 1956. Reverend Smith was the only member of the San Diego Unified School District Board of Education to put his kids on the bus. He told his daughters to be proud of who they were and to be assertive in getting a good education. Smith feels that, "you can't be busing people around just for the sake of it. Integration is more than just moving a black boy to sit next to a white boy. Brown opened the door for blacks and whites to get together. This has been the greatest benefit of Brown, bringing people together not on the basis of test scores, but on what they bring as a person to the total life of campus." Reverend Smith feels that integration is merely a means "to an end, not the end itself," meaning that achieving integration should not be the priority, but that the focus must instead be on quality education for every student so that they become the "best and brightest kids possible." Then, Reverend Smith predicts, integration will be able to occur naturally due to improved socioeconomic conditions in the black community, thus enabling more blacks to move into more affluent, predominantly white neighborhoods. Their children would attend a local school with their white counterparts, achieving integration without "unnecessary busing."

Museums and Monuments

Arlington National Cemetery. Site Visitation. December 2003.
      While at the famous cemetery, the resting place for thousands of brave Americans, I visited the gravesite of Thurgood Marshall. The simple, white tombstone marked the resting place of one of the legal architects behind the dismantling of Jim Crow and one of the great, and most influential, legal minds of the twentieth century.

Gettysburg National Military Park. Site Visitation. Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. December 2003.
      Driving around the Civil War battlefields that witnessed the War's most horrific battles, I considered what the War was about. It was another chapter in the United States' centuries long struggle with race. Here tens of thousands of men lost their lives not only over the preservation of the Union but over the existence of slavery in the nation.

Jefferson Memorial. Site Visitation. Washington, D.C. December 2003.
      The quotes on the marble walls of the memorial clearly detail the promises and ideals of America for all people that Thomas Jefferson so eloquently put into words. One wall displays Jefferson's thoughts regarding the importance of a Constitution that grows and adapts to developing definitions of equality and freedom. "Laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths discovered and manners and opinions change, with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also to keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors." This brings to mind the justices questioning of John Davis over the possibility of the changing definition of "equal" during the Briggs portion of the Brown arguments.

Lincoln Memorial. Site Visitation. Washington, D.C. December 2003.
      The Lincoln Memorial pays homage to the sixteenth president of the United States. Lincoln's quotes displayed on the memorial's walls indicate his views on slavery in the United States. The memorial also holds a place in African American history as the central site for the 1963 March on Washington. A plaque marks the place where Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. stood to deliver his "I Have a Dream" speech. Standing on and gazing out from this spot toward the Capitol building I was inspired by the courage of all people who have stood up and fought not only for their individual civil rights but for those of all people and the nation as a whole.

National Archives. Site Visitation. December 2003.
      As I viewed the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, I was inspired and awed by the significance of these documents. I also saw a "People's Choice" display in which Americans had voted on the documents they believed to be most influential in shaping the country. The Brown v. Board of Education decision was voted into the top fifteen, demonstrating the decision's iconic status among Americans.

National Constitution Center. Site Visitation. Philadelphia. December 2003.
      "Freedom Rising" is a multimedia experience at the National Constitution Center that brings the Constitution to life and places the battles over its interpretation into a contemporary context. The presentation makes it clear that the Constitution is a living document designed to grow with the United States rather than hold the country back to the standards of the eighteenth century when it was written. "The Story of We the People," an exhibit at the National Constitution Center is an interactive experience informative and influential as it brought the Constitution to life recounting individual instances in the development of constitutional theory and law. Particularly interesting for me were the displays on school desegregation and the larger civil rights movement. Another feature that stood out were the assorted quotations from historical figures throughout the history of the United States. These included Learned Hand, John Marshall, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Thurgood Marshall.

Smithsonian Institution. National Museum of American History. Site Visitation. Washington, D.C. December 2003.
      I found the "Woolworth's Lunch Counter" exhibit to be particularly relevant to my study of Brown v. Board. Woolworth's donated the original lunch counter from its Greensboro, North Carolina store which was witness to the first "sit in" protest of the Civil Rights Movement. This protest, on February 1, 1960, was typical of actions in the movement following Brown. The historic decision inspired the movement as a whole, and individual people, to fight for civil rights and equality in all facets of life in the United States.

United States Supreme Court. Site Visitation. Washington, D.C. December 2003.
      Walking up the steps to the Supreme Court building I stopped and read the American promise inscribed over the building's doors, "Equal Justice Under Law." This is what the NAACP LDF and countless others were fighting for in Brown. Sitting in the Court itself I imagined what the scene was like with Thurgood Marshall and the other attorneys addressing the Court while being opposed by the likes of John Davis and Paul Wilson. I also tried to imagine the energy in the room on May 17, 1954 when Chief Justice Earl Warren read the historic decision. The Court has been witness to countless battles to hold America accountable to her promises and ideals.

Narratives

"Born in Slavery, Slave Narratives." 1936-1938, Federal Writers' Project. 20 January 2004 <www.memory.loc.gov/ammen/snhtml/snhome.html>.
      These narratives were part of the "Federal Writers' Project," consisting of interviews with former slaves. These texts demonstrate the lack of education for, and poor treatment, of slaves.

Moore, John G. The History of Jim Crow. "Mr. John G. Moore on the Desegregation of Clinton High School." 20 January 2004 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources/Narratives/John_Moore.htm>.
      Mr. John G. Moore was a white citizen of Anderson County, Tennessee, home to Clinton High School. Clinton was the first high school to be integrated following the Brown decision. He recalls the town as being "ready" for the desegregation to take place. Resistance and violence came several days before school was to start from outsiders and members of the Ku Klux Klan. He recalls that the town of Clinton had only "two policemen," so a plea went out on the radio asking for volunteer policemen. Moore responded and experienced "sheer terror" trying to maintain peace and order.

Williams, Alfred. The History of Jim Crow. "Mr. Alfred Williams on the Desegregation Of Clinton High School." 20 January 2004 <http://jimcrowhistory.org/resources/Narratives/Alfred_Williams.htm>.
      In this narrative, Mr. Williams recalls his personal school experience. Before Brown, he traveled 13 miles each day to attend Austin High School in Knoxville, Tennessee. In 1956, he was among the twelve students to begin the integration of Clinton High School. He recalled not wanting to leave his old school, his friends and familiar surroundings. The hostility towards these black students was so horrific at Clinton High School that the State troopers and National Guard were called in to assist. He ended up getting expelled from Clinton and felt "hate" towards whites for many years. He has since reconciled these feelings.

Papers

Chief Justice Earl Warren Papers. "Notes, William O. Douglas to Earl Warren, 11 May 1954; Harold H. Burton to Earl Warren 17 May 1954; Felix Frankfurter to Earl Warren, 17 May 1954." 1 February 2004 <http://memory.loc.gov>.
      These handwritten notes were each sent to Chief Justice Warren concerning the Brown decision. Each note expresses gratitude for Warren's leadership.

Justice Felix Frankfurter Papers. "Felix Frankfurter's Draft Decree to Enforce Brown v. Board." April 8, 1955. Words and Deeds in American History. 20 February 2004 <www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/Trr007.html>.
      This document shows the crossing out in pencil of the NAACP favored term, "forthwith," and replacing it with "all appropriate speed." This would later lead to justice Hugo Black's 1964 opinion in Green that the "time for mere 'deliberate speed' has run out."

The following sources were gathered from the NAACP Part II Legal files collection at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. These were original documents from the Collections of the Manuscript Division. Due to age requirements at the Library of Congress, I was not allowed to photocopy these by myself, therefore, an adult assisted with the actual photocopying.

Answer of Defendants to Amended Complaint as Amended in Paragraph 8 Thereof. Civil Action No. T-316 in the District Court of the United States for the District of Kansas.
      In this document the defendants, specifically the Board of Education of Topeka