Primary Sources
Articles
Carter, Robert L. "The Unending Struggle for Equal Educational
Opportunity." TCR Summer95, Vol. 96, Issue 4. 14 February
2004 <http://www.tcrecord.org>.
Carter surmises that, at the fortieth anniversary of the Brown
decision, racial discrimination and the dual school system in
public schools are commonplace. In 1979, Linda Brown sought the
help of the courts in securing for her children the educational
benefits that her father had "won" for her in 1954.
Carter recalled that the NAACP counsel in the Brown case
sought integration as a "means to the objective, not as the
objective itself."
Huston, Luther A. "On This Day." May 18, 1954, New
York Times 21 February 2004 <www.nytimes.com/learning/general.onthisday/big/0517.html#article>.
The New York Times carried the
Brown decision on their headline, "High Court Bans
School Segregation: 9-0 decision grants time to comply."
The text of the article summarized Chief Justice Warren's reading
of the two opinions, Brown and Bolling v. Sharpe,
thereby overturning Plessy in the realm of public education,
with a unanimous decision.
Lewis, Anthony. "Since the Supreme Court Spoke." May
10, 1964, New York Times 7 May 2004 <http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/nytimes/97391049.html>.
Lewis' review of the ten years
immediately following Brown is accompanied by a collection
of photographs entitled "The Racial Decade." The twelve
pictures in the collection mark twelve distinct chapters of race
relations beginning with the May 1954 Supreme Court decision and
ending with a protest by whites opposed to school busing. Lewis
describes the Brown decision "as the spark of a revolution
in American attitudes toward the race problem." He details
the civil rights achievements that followed Brown while
acknowledging the distance remaining to travel.
Books
Beals, Melba Pattillo. Warriors Don't Cry.
New York: Pocket Books, 1994.
Melba Pattillo Beals was one of
the "Little Rock Nine," and this is her personal account
of her experiences as a student selected to begin the integration
of Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. This account
reflects the impact of Brown II's ambivalent remedy. Pattillo
Beals also poignantly details the horrors that the black students
integrating previously all white schools encountered on a daily
basis. She sheds light on the exchange these brave students made,
sacrificing the familiarity and support of their communities in
hopes of both furthering the larger national cause of integration
and their own educations. As a young person exploring her place
in the world at large Pattillo Beals, and her peers in the "Little
Rock Nine," changed a country.
Counts, Will. A Life is More Than a Moment.
Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1999.
Will Counts' photographic journey
explores the 1957 desegregation of Central High School in Little
Rock, Arkansas. Governor Orville Faubus ordered the National Guard
to prevent nine black students from entering the school. President
Eisenhower would later order the 101st Airborne soldiers
to protect the students from the threatening encounters awaiting
them. These photographs explore the treatment that this group
of students, known as the "Little Rock Nine," encountered.
Several of the photographs depict one of the "Little Rock
Nine," Elizabeth Eckford, being taunted by a white student,
Hazel Bryan. Hazel later recalled acting in this manner because
"everyone else was." In 1997, Hazel and Elizabeth met
and exchanged their memories and feelings as plans were being
made for the 40th anniversary of Central High's integration.
Photos from Central High in 1997 show an integrated student body,
a distinct change from forty years earlier that represents a positive
step towards realizing Brown's legacy.
Evers-Williams, Myrlie, and Melinda Blau. Watch
Me Fly. U.S.A.: Little, Brown and Co., 1999.
Ms. Evers, the first full time
chairperson of the NAACP, is also the widow of murdered civil
rights activist Medgar Evers. Evers explores and details her life
in the movement. The Brown decision came at the same time
that her husband was seeking admission to the all-white law school
at the University of Mississippi. The strong opposition to Brown
from segregationists (who dubbed the day of the decision "Black
Monday") was most fierce in Mississippi where they formed
the powerful Citizens' Council to fight desegregation. The Mississippi
state legislature created the "Sovereignty Commission"
to protect the state's "'sovereign right' to a segregated
society." In Mississippi it was more than ten years after
Brown before one black child enrolled in a white school.
Following the Brown decision, blacks encountered increased
violence including lynchings.
Greenberg, Jack. Crusaders in the Courts.
U.S.A.: Basic Books, 1994.
Greenberg's autobiography provides
an invaluable, firsthand account of the school desegregation cases
from one of the key players. Greenberg details not only the historical
facts surrounding the desegregation cases but provides keen insight
from his personal perspective as one of the NAACP LDF attorneys
that argued before the Supreme Court. He discusses the development
of strategy, from the pursuit of equalization in higher education
to the legal assault on segregation itself in public schools.
He also sheds light on the aftermath of Brown from his
position as the lead counsel of the LDF following Thurgood Marshall
and into the 1980's. He includes photographs to further illustrate
the events of his life.
Lewis, John, and Michael D'Orso. Walking With
the Wind. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998.
Congressman John Lewis' autobiography
describes the life of a black man who came of age in the wake
of Brown. He was fourteen and finishing his freshman year
in a segregated high school when the decision was rendered. Shortly
after Brown II in 1955, the hope and excitement Lewis felt
after the 1954 opinion had been vanquished by the reality of life
in Alabama where violence against blacks increased and his school
situation went unchanged. Lewis looks at 1955, the year of Brown
II, as a "watershed" for the larger civil rights
movement. Personally, the year and a half following Brown
served to make Lewis feel foolish for having believed the promises
of equality would be fulfilled. Still, the decision served as
a catalyst, an opening step for the civil rights movement. Lewis
recalls that the first Freedom Ride had been planned to culminate
on May 17th, 1961 to coincide with the Brown anniversary.
Martin, Waldo E. Jr., editor. Brown v. Board
of Education; A Brief History With Documents. Boston: Bedford/St.
Martin's, 1998.
This collection of primary source
documents includes newspaper editorials, letters to editors and
political cartoons with accompanying commentary centered on the
reaction to the Brown decision. The documents in the collection
represent a wide range of viewpoints, regions and publications.
The viewpoints run from supportive to antagonistic. The regions
include New York City, Atlanta, Pittsburgh, Jackson, Mississippi,
Arkansas, Los Angeles and Boston. The publications include the
highly regarded New York Times, Boston Herald, Los Angeles Times
and Chicago Sun Times; black newspapers such as the Pittsburgh
Courier, Chicago Defender and the Atlanta Daily World; white college
student papers from the University of Virginia and the University
of Mississippi; and southern white newspapers such as the Atlanta
Constitution, Arkansas Gazette, Jackson (Mississippi) Daily News,
and the Washington Post Times and Herald. Other documents include
The Southern Manifesto of March 12, 1956. From these documents
it becomes apparent that the Brown decision was the focus
of national attention eliciting strong emotions and opinions,
both positive and negative.
Patterson, James T. Brown v. Board of Education:
A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2001.
Patterson's book contains numerous
photographs and reprints of political cartoons concerning Brown.
One example is the photograph of President Johnson signing the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 that was assisted into realization by
Brown. Patterson analyzes the sentiments of various social
groups surrounding the Brown decision. Desegregation advocates
were certain that the integration of public schools would allow
the American dream of equal opportunity to become reality. This
certainty was based on the influential role of education. In 1947,
President Truman's Committee on Civil Rights had argued that a
great deal of evidence existed stating that an environment favorable
to civil rights will happen when diverse peoples are allowed to
work and play together. Thurgood Marshall viewed segregation to
be as equally damaging as inequality as it did not allow blacks
in the South to even have a glimpse of their potential. Marshall
further thought that schools were the best target for integration
due to the influential role of education, therefore, schools became
the targets of litigation. Many whites feared that integration
in education would lead to interracial dating and marriage. The
Brown decision reached far beyond schools as it served
to motivate other rights conscious groups. It is viewed as being
the "watershed" for the modern civil rights movement
as well as the modern Supreme Court. John Salmond, a civil rights
historian, interpreted the Brown decision to instill pride
in the greatness of the United States and to be a visible separation
from other countries.
Wilson, Paul E. A Time to Lose: Representing
Kansas in Brown v. Board of Education. Kansas: University
Press of Kansas, 1995.
Wilson's account stands out in
that it is the most comprehensive detailing of the losing side
in the Brown cases. He asserts that his is the only such
account. This is a valuable tool to explore the monumental case
in the historical context of 1950's America. Paul Wilson is one
of the lone remaining states' attorneys who argued in Brown.
He sheds light on what it was like to represent the Topeka school
board and thereby oppose the NAACP in the Brown case. As
the original Brown case made its way to the Supreme Court,
Paul E. Wilson served as an assistant attorney general to the
state of Kansas. It was his responsibility to, as he puts it,
"defend the indefensible."
Cases
Belton v. Gebhart, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
The Delaware case consolidated
under Brown. The case was notable because black students
in Delaware received relatively equal schooling to whites in tangible
terms. This made it a good case for the NAACP LDF to use to challenge
the inequality of segregation itself.
Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497 (1954).
The Washington, D.C. case challenging
"separate but equal." It was decided on the same day
as Brown but the justices used the Fifth Amendment instead
of the Fourteenth Amendment to support their decision since the
District of Columbia is governed differently than states.
Briggs et al. v. Elliott et al., 98 F. Supp.
529 (1951).
The South Carolina case that was
consolidated by the Supreme Court under Brown in which
the plaintiff Harry Briggs challenged the abject inequality of
the black schools in Clarendon County, South Carolina. The federal
district court in South Carolina had ruled that segregation was
permissible under Plessy v. Ferguson and that public education
was a state's prerogative. The court recognized a constitutional
right to equalization and allowed time for South Carolina to make
equalization a reality.
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Shawnee
County, Kansas, 98 F. Supp. 797 (1951).
The case heard in the United States
District Court, District of Kansas that would become the first
case listed by the Supreme Court. The judges expressed a desire
to rule for the plaintiffs and end segregation in Kansas' schools.
However they felt bound by the Plessy precedent and decided
to wait for a Supreme Court ruling.
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas
(Brown I), 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
This was the title given to the
four school desegregation cases heard by the Supreme Court. The
Court chose to put Oliver Brown's name first, though it was not
alphabetically so, to take pressure off the South.
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas
(Brown II), 349 U.S. 294 (1955).
This was the implementation decision
following the 1954 finding in Brown I. The opinion is infamous
for its use of the ill-defined term "all deliberate speed"
to govern desegregation.
Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958).
The case centered on desegregation
in Little Rock, Arkansas following massive resistance on the part
of Governor Orville Faubus. The justices tried to make it clear
that violence, and the threat thereof, would not prevent desegregation
from moving forward.
Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward
County, 103 F. Supp. 337 (1952).
The Virginia case consolidated
under Brown. Teenager Barbara Johns was instrumental in
bringing the NAACP LDF into Prince Edward County to fight for
desegregation.
Dowell v. Oklahoma City School Board, 498
U.S. 237 (1991).
A federal court found the district
to be "unitary" leading the school board to vote for
a return to segregation. The Supreme Court held that unitary status
was sufficient to preclude a district from its responsibility
to maintain desegregation.
Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857).
This was the famous decision during
the time of Chief Justice Roger Taney that found the Missouri
Compromise unconstitutional. The decision also stated that blacks
were not citizens and thus not entitled to equal protection under
the law. The citation for this case is made tricky by the fact
that a Court clerk misspelled John Sanford's name as "Sandford."
The Court never corrected this error.
Freeman v. Pitts, 503 U.S. 467 (1992).
In this case the Supreme Court
relaxed the responsibility, established in Green, of school
districts to desegregate.
Green v. School Board of New Kent County, VA, 391 U.S.
430 (1968).
A case challenging the constitutionality
of "freedom of choice" plans. The Court ruled that segregated
dual school systems must be taken apart "root and branch."
Griffin v. County School Board of Prince Edward County,
377 U.S. 218 (1964).
The Supreme Court tried to stop
a plan to close down the public schools rather than desegregate.
Justice Hugo Black gave word to the Court's thinning patience
writing that there is "entirely too much deliberation and
not enough speed" in applying the Brown mandate.
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado, 413
U.S. 189 (1973).
The first Supreme Court ruling
on school segregation in the West where there was technically
no de jure segregation. This case recognized the rights of Latinos
in addition to blacks to desegregated, equal education.
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education, 339
U.S. 637 (1950).
In this case the Court ruled that
the University of Oklahoma's segregationist policies were in violation
of the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause. The Court
recognized the value of intangibles, such as the ability to study
and interact with other students, in an equal education.
Milliken v. Bradley (Milliken I), 418, U.S. 717 (1974).
The Detroit case limited the possibility
to include suburbs within a city's desegregation plans. This is
interesting to consider in light of the prevalence of white flight.
Justice Thurgood Marshall wrote an eloquent dissent in the case.
Milliken v. Bradley (Milliken II), 433 U.S. 267 (1977).
The Court ruled that a district
could be held responsible for making reparations to students who
suffered an unequal education due to segregation.
Missouri v. Jenkins, 515 U.S. 70 (1995).
The Supreme Court ended the judicial
oversight of a resegregated district with a large majority of
black students and very poor conditions in the schools.
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896).
This was the infamous decision
establishing "separate but equal" as a constitutional
precedent. In this case the justices refused to acknowledge that
states were bound by the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Justice Harlan wrote a famous dissent in the case, stating that
the "constitution is colorblind."
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402
U.S. 1 (1971).
Under Chief Justice Burger, the
Court attempted to clarify its position on remedy powers. The
opinion states, "The nature of the violation determines the
scope of the remedy."
Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950).
The Court ruled that the University
of Texas School of Law had to admit black students. The Court
recognized the importance of certain intangibles, such as prestige,
in a law school education. Decided on the same day as McLaurin,
the case marked one step in the NAACP LDF assault on segregation.
Documents
Civil Rights Act of 1964. 2 July 1964. 10
December 2003 <http://www.toptags.com/aama/docs/Act1964.htm>.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed
by President Johnson, ended segregation in all public places and
expanded the definition of civil rights for all Americans. The
Brown decision was an integral step in the realization
of this Act of 1964.
Executive Order 10730. 23 September 1957.
10 December 2003 <http://www.Toptags.com/aama/docs/eo10730.htm>.
This Executive Order was enacted
by President Eisenhower to end segregation in Little Rock's Central
High School. The Order authorized military action to implement
desegregation as mandated by Brown.
Flemming, Arthur S., Horn, Stephen, Freeman, Frankie
M., Ruiz, Manuel Jr., Rankin, Robert, Saltzman, Murray, and Buggs,
John A. Fulfilling the Letter and Spirit Of the Law: Desegregation
of the Nation's Public Schools. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights,
1976.
This report presents the Commission's
perspective on the state of school desegregation at the nation's
bicentennial. The Commission describes a steadily improving rate
of desegregation and cites the benefits to children of all races
gained from integrated education.
General Management Plan, Development Concept Plan,
Interpretation, and Visitor Experience Plan. Brown v. Board
of Education National Historic Site, August, 1996.
Established on October 26th,
1992, the Brown v. Board of Education National Historic
Site was dedicated to honoring the landmark Supreme Court decision.
This designation displays Brown's iconic status as it is
the only Supreme Court decision to be so honored. One of the site's
goals is to educate visitors about the importance of this monumental
decision and to ensure that its positive legacy will endure.
Miller, George R. Letter to Mr. Fred Bulah. 18 December
1950. "The Brown Cases, 1950-1952" 11 January
2004 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources>.
This reply letter from the Delaware
State Board of Education to Mr. Fred Bulah, one of the appellants
in the Delaware desegregation cases, demonstrates the de jure
school segregation in place prior to Brown.
The Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. "Founding
Charter Document," 1957. 11 December 2003 <http://www.toptags.com/aama/events/scommis.htm>.
This charter establishes the scope
and purpose of the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. The Mississippi
State Legislature established the Commission in response to the
Supreme Court mandate in Brown to desegregate public schools.
The Commission's goal was to resist the mandate at all costs.
This is an example of the "massive resistance" in the
South to Brown.
A Petition to the President and the Congress
of the United States. 14 April 1959. Official File 142-A,
"Negro Matters-Colored Question" folder, Box 731, White
House Central Files. Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas.
10 January 2004 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources>.
A petition signed by leaders such
as, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Jackie Robinson, and Daisy Bates,
asking the U.S. Congress and President Eisenhower to enact legislation
to implement Brown.
A Sharecrop Contract. 1882. 11 December 2003.
<http://www.toptags.com/aama/docs/sharecrop.htm>.
This document shows the lack of
opportunity for blacks in the United States, even after the Civil
War and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments.
Blacks were kept in a position as close to slavery as possible
through Jim Crow laws.
Situation Report: Arkansas. 7 March 1958.
Events at Central High School Official File 142-A, "Little
Rock, Arkansas School Integration" folder, Box 732, White
House Central Files. Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas.
15 December 2003 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources>.
This daily report, from the Office
of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Military Operations, describes
abuse directed at the black students integrating Little Rock's
Central High School as well as gunshots in the superintendent's
car.
Interviews
Benson, Victoria Jean. Telephone interview. 10 May
2004.
Ms. Benson is the daughter of Maude
Lawton, who was one of the parent plaintiffs in the Kansas case.
At the time of the Brown decision in 1954, Ms. Benson was
eight years old, and attending a segregated elementary school.
Ms. Benson described how her mother came to be a plaintiff in
Brown. The Lawton family lived within the same community
as a number of plaintiffs and NAACP workers. McKinley Burnett
was the President of the local NAACP chapter at the time. Mr.
Burnett was a family friend who also attended the same church.
The Lawtons were also neighbors of Charles Scott Sr. and his family.
Ms. Benson said that ultimately her mother thought that segregation
was wrong, and that any type of injustice should not be allowed
to continue. As a result, she took the brave step of signing her
name onto the list of plaintiffs in Brown. Even though
she was only eight years old at the time of the 1954 decision,
Ms. Benson did not attend a desegregated school until she reached
junior high school. Ironically, the Topeka middle schools had
been desegregated prior to Brown. This policy anomaly still
haunts Ms. Benson to this day. She asks herself why the Topeka
School Board would inflict segregation on its youngest students.
Ms. Benson's younger brother was the first child in the Lawton
family to attend a desegregated elementary school. She recalls
the anxiety before, during, and after Brown on the part
of black teachers who were afraid that they would lose their jobs
if desegregation took place. Living in Topeka Ms. Benson did not
encounter the "horror story" interactions with whites
as did other blacks. In fact she recalls that blacks in Topeka
in general did not experience the violence and horror encountered
by blacks in other parts of the country. Ms. Benson explained
that once the white students in her junior and senior high schools
realized that she did not intend to cause problems or controversies,
they developed good relationships. She went on to complete cosmetology
school where she was the first black student. Ms. Benson has worked
as a cosmetologist for thirty-four years. She does not want the
children of today to forget the struggles of their ancestors.
Ms. Benson feels that, "we can all learn from one another."
Summing things up, she said that, "God didn't create people
to be mean to each other or to discriminate. That's why my mother
put her name down."
Bersin, Alan. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
Mr. Bersin is the Superintendent
of the San Diego Unified School District. Before obtaining this
position, he was a United States Attorney in San Diego. This combination
gives him a unique perspective on Brown in general and
its particular legacy in San Diego. Mr. Bersin stated emphatically
that, "Brown ended apartheid in America since before
the decision the law prescribed segregation of the races."
He said that in 1977 the San Diego Unified School District was
composed of "seventy percent white children and thirty percent
children of color. In 2004 those percentages are reversed."
He noted that in the late 1970s, busing was the only option to
achieve school integration. Residential segregation continues
to be an obstacle in achieving integration. San Diego is not immune
to the racism that is pervasive in the United States. It is the
issues of race and class that have been, and will continue to
be, challenges for America according to Mr. Bersin. He pointed
out that students in today's desegregated schools are "standing
on the shoulders of the pioneers who fought to end segregation."
In Bersin's view, when Brown's one-hundredth anniversary
is celebrated, " fifty years from now, we'll be that much
closer to achieving equal educational opportunities for all of
San Diego's children."
Brown, Harold. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
Mr. Brown is a former teacher,
college professor, Deputy Director of the U.S. Peace Corps in
Lesotho, Africa, and CORE worker who fought for fair housing for
blacks. He recalls being harassed by whites on his way to school
as a young boy. Not only did he and his peers have to pass higher
quality white schools on their way to poorly funded black schools
but they daily encountered verbal abuse and taunts from white
adults and children alike. He also remembers his cross-country
drive to Southern California to continue his higher education.
He and a friend drove straight through because there were no motels
in which they could stay. There were also no restaurants or bathroom
facilities for them to utilize. Mr. Brown is an advocate of the
equalization of educational opportunities. He believes that busing
is too costly an option to achieve integration when so many schools
in inner cities are woefully under-funded. He also believes that
inner city, minority communities would be strengthened by keeping
their children in neighborhood schools.
Davis, Maurita Burnett. Telephone interview. 10
May 2004.
Ms. Davis is the daughter of McKinley
Burnett who was the President of the Topeka branch of the NAACP
during Brown. Mr. Burnett was an initiator and strategist
in the Kansas case. Mr. Burnett was one of the people responsible
for exploring Topeka's black community in search of potential
plaintiffs. Ms. Davis described various encounters that she and
her family experienced as a result of the Brown litigation.
For example, she said that the black teachers were not nice to
the students whose families were involved in the case. The black
teachers were anxious over the prospect of losing their jobs if
desegregation took place and took out their anxieties and resentments
on the students. Ms. Davis recalls being interviewed frequently
by a school psychologist during the Brown litigation. The
psychologist asked her lots of questions about her father and
the case. Her father faced negative encounters in the workplace.
Mr. Burnett worked at the Veteran's Hospital. He never received
promotions that he deserved on the basis on merit because of his
involvement in Brown. He daily had to read items to his
illiterate boss but still was never promoted. Despite these negative
consequences her father maintained his involvement in the case,
exchanging his personal welfare for a greater good. Mr. Burnett
continued fighting to end segregation because he knew it was for
the betterment of all and "he believed in righting all wrongs."
Each year on May 17th, Mr. Burnett marked Brown's
anniversary with a tea party for family and friends. The party's
refreshments may have been simple because of her father's income
but the celebration was no less heartfelt.
Greenberg, Jack. E-mail interview. 23 May 2004.
Jack Greenberg was one of the NAACP
LDF attorneys who argued the Delaware portion of the Brown
case. He continued his work with the NAACP LDF for thirty-five
years, arguing cases involving issues such as school integration,
voter registration, fair housing, and equal employment. In 1961
he became Director-Counsel of the LDF, succeeding Thurgood Marshall
in that position. He has been the Dean of Columbia College. Greenberg
continues to be on the faculty of Columbia Law School. As a firsthand
participant in developing the strategy leading to Brown,
executing that strategy in the courts, and working to fulfill
the Brown legacy, Greenberg provides unparalleled insight
into the historic case. He cites the massive resistance to the
decision as the largest barrier to fulfilling its legacy, specifically
noting the "Southern Manifesto," anti integration laws
adopted by southern states which included "procedures to
make it difficult, to impossible, for blacks to transfer to white
schools and laws that closed schools if blacks entered,"
and the fact that southern governors called out the national guard
to stop black students from entering previously all white schools.
Greenberg sees this resistance, and more importantly the deep
prejudice that it represents, as having a more harmful effect
on the implementation of Brown than the often-debated phrase,
"all deliberate speed," used by Chief Justice Warren
in Brown II. As he puts it "language could not counteract
such deep prejudice. Words alone could not have made things different."
He feels that the Civil Rights Movement did in fact make a difference
in fulfilling Brown's legacy.
Scott, Charles Jr. Telephone interview. 11 May 2004.
Mr. Scott, an attorney, has a unique
role in the context of Brown. His father, Charles Scott,
Sr., was one of the attorneys in the Kansas case. Working for
the NAACP, Mr. Scott, Sr. was responsible for exploring for plaintiffs
to bring a suit against the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas.
Mr. Scott, Jr. explained the qualities and factors for which his
father was looking in potential plaintiffs saying that he was
looking for "black kids who lived in areas near whites only
schools whose parents would be willing to try to enroll them in
the white schools." The NAACP knew that the attempts to enroll
the black students would be denied because of the practice of
segregation. The denial would be the basis of the NAACP case attacking
segregation. Mr. Scott, Jr. discussed the encounters from inside
and outside of the black community that his father, and his family
as a whole, encountered as a result of the Scott family's role
in Brown. Within the black community the Scotts received
no support, particularly financially, making life difficult. The
younger Scott's unique role in Brown stems from his participation
in Brown III, a case brought by Linda Brown Henderson on
behalf of her children in 1979. At issue in Brown III,
was the fact that the schools in Topeka were as segregated in
1979 as they had been in 1954. As Mr. Scott, Jr. said the schools
were "still exactly the same." He never thought that
he would be involved in another Brown case as his father
had been before him. He assumed that desegregation would occur
as ordered by the Supreme Court. Eventually, in 1994, the Topeka
Board of Education was able to devise an acceptable plan to desegregate
its schools. A component of the plan was the creation of magnet
schools in Topeka, one of which is named for the Scott family.
Mr. Scott, Jr. pointed out one of the ironies of the Brown
legacy. "Brown has done a lot of good in integrating
other branches of American life but did little good in schools,"
a fact that remains true today. He continued, saying that most
schools are still as segregated today as they were before Brown.
Mr. Scott, Jr. shared his feelings that if we as a country never
desegregate our schools, we will never have a truly integrated
society with equal opportunity for all Americansblacks, whites,
and all other minorities.
Smith, Dorothy L. W. Personal interview. 13 May
2004.
Dorothy L.W. Smith attended segregated
elementary, junior high, and high schools in Tennessee. After
graduating as class valedictorian from Weakley High School in
1957, she was denied admission to the University of Tennessee
because she is black. Thus she was forced to attend the historically
black, Philander Smith College, in Little Rock, Arkansas. She
finished her Bachelor's Degree in English from California State
University, Long Beach in 1969. Mrs. Smith went on to become a
member and president of the San Diego Unified School District's
Board of Education. She described what it was like to grow up
as a child in Jim Crow Tennessee, saying that, "we knew that
we were separated from whitesI felt deprived in the town. There
were separate white and colored windows at the hamburger placewe
couldn't use the facilities that we paid taxes for." Despite
these injustices, Mrs. Smith saw hope both within her community
and the black schools. "The schools were a bright spot in
my life. There were people who cared about me, helped me, and
brought me books. In school I learned what I needed to know. In
my home I learned I could be anything I wanted to be." Even
though she felt love and compassion from her family, church, and
school Mrs. Smith knew at a young age that the tangible quality
of her education was not equal to that received by white children.
"I encountered 'separate but equal' facilities, and they
were never 'separate but equal.' It was always separate but unequal."
Mrs. Smith went on to say that Brown's promise of equality
remains unfulfilled. "We have not really worked hard enough
to fulfill the legacy, to fulfill the dream." She feels that
future generations must work towards achieving true integration
and equality.
Smith, George Walker. Personal interview. 13 May
2004.
The Reverend George Walker Smith,
the first black elected to public office in San Diego, and a former
member and president of the San Diego Unified School District's
Board of Education, grew up the son of a sharecropper in segregated
Alabama during the 1930s. He remembers that, "all hell broke
out" following the Brown decision. He shared first-hand
accounts of the killing, mistreatment, and discrimination that
blacks in his Alabama community of Haynesville faced daily. Reverend
Smith and his family of eleven children lived just a step above
slavery. He recognized education as his tool to break free. Even
though the schools he attended were poor and ill equipped, receiving
$39 in funding each year per black student compared with the $239
spent on each white student, his teachers, "instilled in
me, and my classmates, hope. They filled my head up with hope.
No one can take it out." Good fortune allowed him to attend
a private, parochial high school where he excelled and graduated
as class valedictorian. After earning his degree from Knoxville
College in Tennessee Smith wanted to attend medical school but
was rejected because of the color of his skin. As a result he
changed his career goals from medicine to ministry, becoming a
Presbyterian minister, moving to San Diego to serve in 1956. Reverend
Smith was the only member of the San Diego Unified School District
Board of Education to put his kids on the bus. He told his daughters
to be proud of who they were and to be assertive in getting a
good education. Smith feels that, "you can't be busing people
around just for the sake of it. Integration is more than just
moving a black boy to sit next to a white boy. Brown opened
the door for blacks and whites to get together. This has been
the greatest benefit of Brown, bringing people together
not on the basis of test scores, but on what they bring as a person
to the total life of campus." Reverend Smith feels that integration
is merely a means "to an end, not the end itself," meaning
that achieving integration should not be the priority, but that
the focus must instead be on quality education for every student
so that they become the "best and brightest kids possible."
Then, Reverend Smith predicts, integration will be able to occur
naturally due to improved socioeconomic conditions in the black
community, thus enabling more blacks to move into more affluent,
predominantly white neighborhoods. Their children would attend
a local school with their white counterparts, achieving integration
without "unnecessary busing."
Museums and Monuments
Arlington National Cemetery. Site Visitation. December
2003.
While at the famous cemetery, the
resting place for thousands of brave Americans, I visited the
gravesite of Thurgood Marshall. The simple, white tombstone marked
the resting place of one of the legal architects behind the dismantling
of Jim Crow and one of the great, and most influential, legal
minds of the twentieth century.
Gettysburg National Military Park. Site Visitation.
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. December 2003.
Driving around the Civil War battlefields
that witnessed the War's most horrific battles, I considered what
the War was about. It was another chapter in the United States'
centuries long struggle with race. Here tens of thousands of men
lost their lives not only over the preservation of the Union but
over the existence of slavery in the nation.
Jefferson Memorial. Site Visitation. Washington,
D.C. December 2003.
The quotes on the marble walls
of the memorial clearly detail the promises and ideals of America
for all people that Thomas Jefferson so eloquently put into words.
One wall displays Jefferson's thoughts regarding the importance
of a Constitution that grows and adapts to developing definitions
of equality and freedom. "Laws and institutions must go hand
in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more
developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new
truths discovered and manners and opinions change, with the change
of circumstances, institutions must advance also to keep pace
with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the
coat which fitted him when a boy as civilized society to remain
ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors." This
brings to mind the justices questioning of John Davis over the
possibility of the changing definition of "equal" during
the Briggs portion of the Brown arguments.
Lincoln Memorial. Site Visitation. Washington, D.C.
December 2003.
The Lincoln Memorial pays homage
to the sixteenth president of the United States. Lincoln's quotes
displayed on the memorial's walls indicate his views on slavery
in the United States. The memorial also holds a place in African
American history as the central site for the 1963 March on Washington.
A plaque marks the place where Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. stood
to deliver his "I Have a Dream" speech. Standing on
and gazing out from this spot toward the Capitol building I was
inspired by the courage of all people who have stood up and fought
not only for their individual civil rights but for those of all
people and the nation as a whole.
National Archives. Site Visitation. December 2003.
As I viewed the Declaration of
Independence, the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, I was inspired
and awed by the significance of these documents. I also saw a
"People's Choice" display in which Americans had voted
on the documents they believed to be most influential in shaping
the country. The Brown v. Board of Education decision
was voted into the top fifteen, demonstrating the decision's
iconic status among Americans.
National Constitution Center. Site Visitation. Philadelphia.
December 2003.
"Freedom Rising" is a
multimedia experience at the National Constitution Center that
brings the Constitution to life and places the battles over its
interpretation into a contemporary context. The presentation makes
it clear that the Constitution is a living document designed to
grow with the United States rather than hold the country back
to the standards of the eighteenth century when it was written.
"The Story of We the People," an exhibit at the National
Constitution Center is an interactive experience informative and
influential as it brought the Constitution to life recounting
individual instances in the development of constitutional theory
and law. Particularly interesting for me were the displays on
school desegregation and the larger civil rights movement. Another
feature that stood out were the assorted quotations from historical
figures throughout the history of the United States. These included
Learned Hand, John Marshall, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Thurgood
Marshall.
Smithsonian Institution. National Museum of American
History. Site Visitation. Washington, D.C. December 2003.
I found the "Woolworth's Lunch
Counter" exhibit to be particularly relevant to my study
of Brown v. Board. Woolworth's donated the original lunch
counter from its Greensboro, North Carolina store which was witness
to the first "sit in" protest of the Civil Rights Movement.
This protest, on February 1, 1960, was typical of actions in the
movement following Brown. The historic decision inspired
the movement as a whole, and individual people, to fight for civil
rights and equality in all facets of life in the United States.
United States Supreme Court. Site Visitation. Washington,
D.C. December 2003.
Walking up the steps to the Supreme
Court building I stopped and read the American promise inscribed
over the building's doors, "Equal Justice Under Law."
This is what the NAACP LDF and countless others were fighting
for in Brown. Sitting in the Court itself I imagined what
the scene was like with Thurgood Marshall and the other attorneys
addressing the Court while being opposed by the likes of John
Davis and Paul Wilson. I also tried to imagine the energy in the
room on May 17, 1954 when Chief Justice Earl Warren read the historic
decision. The Court has been witness to countless battles to hold
America accountable to her promises and ideals.
Narratives
"Born in Slavery, Slave Narratives." 1936-1938, Federal
Writers' Project. 20 January 2004 <www.memory.loc.gov/ammen/snhtml/snhome.html>.
These narratives were part of the
"Federal Writers' Project," consisting of interviews
with former slaves. These texts demonstrate the lack of education
for, and poor treatment, of slaves.
Moore, John G. The History of Jim Crow. "Mr.
John G. Moore on the Desegregation of Clinton High School."
20 January 2004 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources/Narratives/John_Moore.htm>.
Mr. John G. Moore was a white citizen
of Anderson County, Tennessee, home to Clinton High School. Clinton
was the first high school to be integrated following the Brown
decision. He recalls the town as being "ready" for
the desegregation to take place. Resistance and violence came
several days before school was to start from outsiders and members
of the Ku Klux Klan. He recalls that the town of Clinton had only
"two policemen," so a plea went out on the radio asking
for volunteer policemen. Moore responded and experienced "sheer
terror" trying to maintain peace and order.
Williams, Alfred. The History of Jim Crow.
"Mr. Alfred Williams on the Desegregation Of Clinton High
School." 20 January 2004 <http://jimcrowhistory.org/resources/Narratives/Alfred_Williams.htm>.
In this narrative, Mr. Williams
recalls his personal school experience. Before Brown, he
traveled 13 miles each day to attend Austin High School in Knoxville,
Tennessee. In 1956, he was among the twelve students to begin
the integration of Clinton High School. He recalled not wanting
to leave his old school, his friends and familiar surroundings.
The hostility towards these black students was so horrific at
Clinton High School that the State troopers and National Guard
were called in to assist. He ended up getting expelled from Clinton
and felt "hate" towards whites for many years. He has
since reconciled these feelings.
Papers
Chief Justice Earl Warren Papers. "Notes,
William O. Douglas to Earl Warren, 11 May 1954; Harold H. Burton
to Earl Warren 17 May 1954; Felix Frankfurter to Earl Warren,
17 May 1954." 1 February 2004 <http://memory.loc.gov>.
These handwritten notes were each
sent to Chief Justice Warren concerning the Brown decision.
Each note expresses gratitude for Warren's leadership.
Justice Felix Frankfurter Papers. "Felix
Frankfurter's Draft Decree to Enforce Brown v. Board."
April 8, 1955. Words and Deeds in American History. 20 February
2004 <www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/Trr007.html>.
This document shows the crossing
out in pencil of the NAACP favored term, "forthwith,"
and replacing it with "all appropriate speed." This
would later lead to justice Hugo Black's 1964 opinion in Green
that the "time for mere 'deliberate speed' has run out."
The following sources were gathered from the
NAACP Part II Legal files collection at the Library of Congress
in Washington, D.C. These were original documents from the Collections
of the Manuscript Division. Due to age requirements at the Library
of Congress, I was not allowed to photocopy these by myself, therefore,
an adult assisted with the actual photocopying.
Answer of Defendants to Amended Complaint as Amended
in Paragraph 8 Thereof. Civil Action No. T-316 in the District
Court of the United States for the District of Kansas.
In this document the defendants,
specifically the Board of Education of Topeka, Shawnee County,
Kansas, et al., established their position regarding allegations
made by the plaintiffs in the case. The defendants allege that
the City of Topeka is one school district, white school children
are required to attend the elementary school located in their
specific territory (Topeka was divided into 22 territories), while
black school children had the option to attend one of the four
colored schools in Topeka, segregation did not exist outside of
grades one through six, superior transportation was furnished
to black children while none was furnished to white children and
that plaintiffs of school age were lawfully denied admission to
white schools on the basis of their race and color. The defendants
deny that black school children were denied "educational
opportunities equal to those afforded white children." They
further allege that black school children did not, on average,
travel further in reaching their schools than white school children.
Carter, Robert L. Letter to Thurgood Marshall. 28
April 1948. N.A.A.C.P. Papers. Library of Congress: Washington
D.C.
This was a correspondence concerning
the strategies to be used in cases in Virginia and North Carolina.
Carter's opinion was that the Legal Defense Fund did not have
the financial resources to make an all-out attack on segregation
itself and should, therefore, settle for some steps gained toward
equalization.
"Concerning the Effects of Racial Segregation."
This report did not contain a date
or author yet did have an extensive bibliography with sources
ranging from 1936 to 1952, and referred to "we," indicating
multiple authors. It detailed a study that was most likely used
to predict what the effect of public school desegregation would
be while attempting to pre-determine problems that would arise.
One was the possibility of the intellectually inferior group jeopardizing
the education of the higher achieving group merely by its presence.
The response was that it is an assumption that the "presently
segregated groups actually are inferior intellectually" and
that the differences could be explained by environment. It was
suggested that, if needed, ability tracking could be used, yet
that too had its opponents who claim it created feelings of inferiority
in the lower group and "undesirable emotional consequences"
in the gifted group while removing the opportunity to learn from
interaction. Another question posed was whether "segregation
prevents or stimulates interracial tension and conflict."
Reviews had shown that desegregation had been carried out successfully
yet with predicted outbreaks of violence. The armed services were
cited as an example of successful extensive desegregation. Considering
that major race riots had occurred in segregated neighborhoods
it was proposed that desegregation would be more successful when
the change is made simultaneously into all "units of a social
institution to which it is applicable."
Davis, Allison and Hess, Robert D. "What About
IQs." Journal of the National Education Association.
November 1949.
Explored the inadequacies of standardized
testing in the lower economic groups. Until these discoveries
were made the prevalent opinion had been that children from the
lower economic group were intellectually inferior. The authors
devised the Davis-Hess Individual Test of Intelligence that was
considered new at the time of this article, but gave credibility
to the cultural influence and sensitivity with which these tests
were done.
"Conference Program." September 25-28,
1953. N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and Educational Fund Offices, 107
West 43rd Street, New York.
This conference was presided over
by Thurgood Marshall and was divided into four seminars with the
following topics, "Post Reconstruction," "History
of the Fourteenth Amendment," "History of Public Education
of Negroes and Impact of the Fourteenth Amendment," and "Legal."
Each seminar was assigned some aspect of the Supreme Court's questions
that would be the basis of the continuing argument, set to begin
on December 7th, 1953. Its purpose was to have the
briefs and oral arguments evaluated from the points of view of
an educator, historian, sociologist, political scientist and lawyer.
Its goal was to draft the "soundest and most persuasive argument
possible against the validity of segregation."
Greenberg, Jack. Personal notes.
These handwritten notes details
the disparity between educational services for black and white
students, specifically stating that more white children attended
schools that were newer than the newest colored schools and that
the average insured value per classroom was $6,000.00 in colored
schools versus $10,000.00 in white schools.
Memorandum Brief For Appellants In Nos. 1, 2 and
3 and For Respondents In No. 5 On Further Reargument With Respect
To the Effect Of the Court's Decree. October Term, 1954. Supreme
Court of the United States.
From this brief, that was submitted
in response to Warren's instructions to both parties to submit
legal briefs on implementation of desegregation within six months
of the original decision, I learned about the meticulous research
that went into the NAACP's preparation before the implementation
hearing. The brief begins with the statement that the original
complaint was not only on behalf of specified "negro public
school pupils" but also on behalf of "an untold number
of unnamed persons 'similarly situated.'" Therefore, the
brief states these are spurious class suits and thus deserve appropriate
treatment from the court. The brief concludes by stating that
the children involved in the cases before the court are entitled
to desegregated public education. In the appendix the appellants
make specific suggestions on implementation of the Brown decision.
Motley, Constance Baker. Memorandum to NAACP Staff
and Conferees. September 25-28, 1953.
Particularly valuable, in this
memorandum were notes on Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment,
including its legislative history and a study of the intent of
its framers. It was to be used to assist in answering the questions
posed for reargument.
"Plaintiffs and Parents."
This is an original hand-typed
listing of the children and their parents who had been denied
enrollment into their neighborhood school in Topeka on the basis
of race. Seeing this aging document gave a sense of personalization
to these names. It also listed the school that each child attended,
the school she/he should attend, the distances to each of these
schools and the time needed for travel to each of these schools.
For example, Linda Carol Brown attended Monroe which was twenty
blocks away taking fifty minutes travel time each way, but should
have attended Sumner which was five blocks away taking five to
ten minutes travel time.
Reply Brief For Appellants in Nos. 1, 2 and 3 and
For Respondents in Nos. 5 on Further Reargument. October 1954.
Supreme Court of the United States.
The appellants' reply brief was
submitted in response to Chief Justice Warren's request that both
parties make statements in regards to the implementation of Brown
I. It begins with an assertion that the goal of the opposition
was not to propose a plan for active desegregation but instead
to submit reworded arguments in support of "interminable
continuation of racial segregation." The brief also states
that predictions of violence and resistance are not sufficient
to justify delay of implementation. The appellants assert that
more time will not lessen anticipated racial hostility. The brief
asks the court to not allow the Brown decision's wide applicability
to prevent a constitutionally appropriate remedy. The appellants
state that race does not impact educability rather educational
and cultural achievements are the results of "opportunity
and environment." The brief states that delayed implementation
will lessen rather than strengthen the effectiveness of desegregation.
The brief concludes with the assertion that a national constitution
equally protects the rights of all people in all regions in the
country regardless of regional prejudice, powerfully stating "the
time has come to end the division of one nation into those sections
where the Constitution is and those where it is not fully respected."
Report and Review on "Public School Segregation
Cases." Filed November 26, 1952.
I learned from this report about
the carefully crafted strategy that the NAACP used to dismantle
segregation. This report gives a review of the progress to date
of the school segregation cases in Clarendon County, South Carolina,
Topeka, Kansas, and Prince Edward County, Virginia. It is divided
into information on the legal issues at hand, the arguments made,
the regional history of each case, the specific impact in the
South of the litigation, the decisions rendered to date, and a
listing of counsel for the appellants and expert witnesses used.
This report displays the extensive and meticulous preparation
by the NAACP for the Brown cases.
Scott, Charles S. Letter to Robert L. Carter. 21
September 1953. N.A.A.C.P. Papers. Library of Congress, Washington
D.C.
Charles Scott, Sr. wrote this letter
to Bob Carter after the start of the Brown arguments before
the Supreme Court, discussing the Topeka School Board's attempts
to resolve the issue of desegregation in public elementary schools
on its own terms before a Supreme Court opinion could be rendered.
Scott shares a portion of the minutes of a Topeka Board of Education
meeting in which the superintendent proposes gradual, regional
desegregation in Topeka.
Scott, Charles S. "Biographical Sketch."
This sketch contains a brief account
of each of the families from Topeka that had attempted to enroll
their children in the closest public school, but were denied enrollment
due to race. These families then became collectively known as
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas.
Photographs
Hickman, R.C. Jim Crow Image Gallery. R.C.
Hickman Personal Collection. 15 November 2003 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/scripts/jimcrow/gallery>.
Hickman's photographs were used
in multiple court cases by NAACP LDF attorneys to demonstrate
the lack of equality under "separate but equal" schooling.
Photograph of George E.C. Hayes, Thurgood Marshall
and James M. Nabrit. 1954, A.P. Photo 21 January 2004 <http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin>.
This photo, from May 17th,
1954 shows Hayes, Marshall and Nabrit in a congratulatory pose
on the steps of the Supreme Court.
Williams, Cecil J. Jim Crow Image Gallery.
Cecil J. Williams Personal Collection. 16 November 2003 <http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/scripts>.
Williams' collection includes photographs
of the Scot's Branch School in South Carolina before and after
the Brown decision.
Poetry
Rampersad, Arnold, editor. The Collected Works
of Langston Hughes Volume 1. Missouri: University of Missouri
Press, 2001.
This book illustrates the writings
of Langston Hughes that were motivated by social injustice. Many
of these writings centered on the spirituality and history of
black culture. These works use words to show what life was like
for many struggling blacks as well as their disdain for their
own culture. The simplistic style of writing served to encourage
blacks to embrace, not reject, their culture. His poems helped
me gain a sense of the emotions shared by blacks during the 1920's
and 1930's.
Rampersad, Arnold, editor. The Collected Works
of Langston Hughes Volume 3. Missouri: University of Missouri
Press, 2001.
Langston Hughes is regarded as
one of the most revered American poets of the twentieth century.
He gained his reputation by his dedication to writing about black
culture and the need for social justice for all people. He is
remembered as one of the bravest American poets as he was able
to reflect the emotions of the tumultuous time in which he lived,
specifically the black struggle for equality.
Recordings and Transcripts
Irons, Peter, and Stephanie Guitton, editors. May
It Please the Court, Transcripts of 23 Live Recordings of Landmark
Cases As Argued Before the Supreme Court. Book and Audiocassettes.
New York: The New Press, 1994.
This unique book and accompanying
tapes helped me understand the process of oral argument before
the United States Supreme Court. I gave closest attention to Cooper
v. Aaron, the case dealing with school desegregation in Little
Rock, Arkansas and to Regents v. Bakke, an affirmative
action case. Both cases are part of the Brown legacy.
Survey
Personal interviews conducted by Julie Gantz from
March 20, 2004 through May 17, 2004.
I conducted an unscientific survey
to gauge the level of recognition among the general public regarding
Brown. The survey is attached as Appendix B. I surveyed
105 people ranging in age from eleven through ninety-three. Of
the 105, 28 were under the age of twenty. Ten of the 105 were
over the age of eighty. Fifty-three were in the age range from
twenty-one through sixty-five. The remaining 14 were between seventy
and eighty years old. These 105 people represented a variety of
racial and ethnic backgrounds. The vast majority of those over
the age of twenty-five were college graduates. The majority of
those I surveyed, 71 of the 105, lived in San Diego County, California.
The remaining 34 were from the United States, from states including
Arizona, Iowa, Missouri, Mississippi, New York and Washington.
I was surprised by the results, however unscientific they may
be. Of the 105 surveyed, only 12 recognized Brown v. Board
of Education of Topeka, Kansas. Of these twelve, only one,
an attorney, made any connection with just the mention of "the
term Brown." None of the 28 young people (under the
age of twenty) surveyed recognized Brown. Even following
prompting none of the 28 could recall ever having heard of the
case. The twelve people who recognized Brown broke down
as follows. One was twenty-seven years old. One was thirty-six
years old. Two were between forty and fifty years old. Three were
between fifty and sixty years old. Another three were between
sixty and sixty-five years old. The remaining two were seventy-seven
years old and ninety-three years old. In terms of race and ethnicity,
six of the twelve were Caucasian, two were Hispanic American,
two were black, one was Asian American, and the other was Native
American. I found it interesting to compare the results of my
unscientific survey with the results of voting by the American
public in a survey conducted by the National Archives. In this
survey, Americans voted the Brown opinion as one of the
top fifteen documents in U.S. history. As I conducted my unscientific
survey I waited for my data to change and demonstrate a wider
recognition of Brown. This never happened. I found it alarming
that none of the twelve young people surveyed could recall even
a mention of Brown in the U.S. history curriculum they
had experienced. I also feel that it is worth mentioning that
19 of the 105 people surveyed mentioned the current U.P.S. advertising
campaign, utilizing the term "brown." This indicates
that over fifty percent more people recalled this ad campaign
than recalled the historic case. It is important to consider this
data however unscientific it may be. Perhaps, the demographics
of the population I surveyed vary greatly from those who participated
in the National Archives survey. On the other hand, perhaps there
is a far smaller public recognition of the historic case than
many would like to acknowledge. It may be important to address
this lack of education regarding Brown in order to both
preserve and build on its promises. How can Americans act as appropriate
stewards of a promise of which they know too little?
Television Program
The State of the Black Union: "Strengthening
of the Black Family: Preserving the African-American Imprint on
America." C-SPAN. 28 February 2004.
This panel discussion included
speakers such as Marva Collins, Myrlie Evers-Williams, and Orlando
Patterson. They discussed many topics, most interesting to me
was their discussion on the legacy of Brown in the black
community that included some debate over the competing interests
of equalization and integration.
Video Cassettes
Eyes on the Prize I: Episode 1. Director
Judith Vecchione. PBS Video, 1987.
This series of videocassettes,
"Eyes on the Prize I and II," uses archived films and
interviews of people involved in these events, making them primary
sources. The Brown decision was meant to equalize the opportunities
of black and white children. It stirred a huge amount of resentment
in whites living in the south. For the black population, it was
viewed as a first step in achieving true equality between the
races. Bus boycotts, sit-ins and marches followed in an attempt
to gain equality.
Eyes on the Prize I: Episode 2. Director
Judith Vecchione. PBS Video, 1987.
The Brown decision led to
the integration of Little Rock's Central High School. The courage
of these students is regarded as one the key ingredients of the
Civil Rights Movement. On May 29, 1958, 601 white students and
one black student, Ernest Green, graduated from Central High School.
The following school year, Governor Faubus ordered all public
high schools to close in order to avoid integration. In Virginia,
Governor Almond closed many public schools as a means of rejecting
integration. Federal courts continued to rule that resistance
was illegal. In the fall of 1960, four black girls were sent to
a white first grade class in New Orleans resulting in a citywide
riot. Desegregation had become a part of political life.
Eyes on the Prize II: Episode 1 The Time has
Come. Directors James A. Devinney and Madison Davis Lucy,
Jr. PBS Video, 1992.
This video further illustrates
the far reaching effects of Brown and the emotions it inspired
in the black community. Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X and
John Lewis emerged as leaders who united their communities into
pushing for the equality that they rightfully deserved.
Eyes on the Prize II: Episode 2 Power! Directors
Louis J. Massiah and Terry Kay Rockefeller. PBS Video, 1992.
Due to the white resistance stemming
from the Brown decision, the NAACP was forced to close
its offices in several cities, including Montgomery and Little
Rock. Many whites believed that mobs and violence could prevent
blacks from entering public schools and defied court orders to
cease the violence. President Eisenhower stated that the integration
ordered in the Brown decision needed time for implementation,
thus echoing the sentiment of many in the nation.
Eyes on the Prize II: The Keys to the Kingdom.
Directors Jacqueline Sheaver and Paul Stekler. PBS Video, 1992.
In the 1960's, busing was ordered
in the city of Boston in order to facilitate desegregation. Black
parents greeted the handful of white students who arrived at Box
High School. On the other side of town, angry white parents formed
mobs in protest of the integration. In the 70's, visible progress
was made in Atlanta as Maynard Jackson was elected as the city's
first black mayor.
Figures in the Civil Rights Movement: Sit-Ins
and the Little Rock Nine. Director Allison Davenport. Films
for the Humanities and Sciences, 1999.
This primary source video introduced
several individuals involved in the sit-ins and in the integration
of Central High School. Diane Nash had grown up in the north,
but moved south as a university student. It was her first time
experiencing segregation. She became instrumental in organizing
sit-ins. John Lewis, now a representative in the U.S. Congress,
was a Freedom Rider, one of his jobs was to exit the bus first
and bear the brunt of the physical and verbal attacks. Paul LaProd,
a white man, was empathetic to the situation faced by blacks and
joined the Freedom Rides. These people spent months studying the
nonviolent teachings of Mahatma Ghandi. On February 13, 1960,
the first sit-in was staged at Woolworth's in Nashville, Tennessee.
Several of the future sit-ins ended in violent attacks against
the students. Eventually the blacks were allowed to eat next to
whites in Nashville, which encouraged sit-ins in other states.
The school board of Little Rock, Arkansas implemented a plan to
comply with the Brown decision and in the fall of 1957,
began integration. The blacks students integrating Central High
were known as the "Little Rock Nine" and on their first
day of class were met with an angry mob and troops who had been
ordered by Governor Faubus to block their entry. President Eisenhower
later ordered the 101st Airborne soldiers to protect
the students. These students still faced daily attacks as described
by one woman who still recalls sitting on a chair that had been
covered with glass and peanut butter. Recalling her experiences
after some forty years, Melba Patillo Beals felt as if her youth
and innocence had ended, but she would do it again rather than
face the alternative, living under oppression.
The Lemon Grove Incident. Director Frank
Christopher. KPBS-TV, 1985.
In this video, filmed in 1985,
I watched interviews of and discussions among, a number of people
who were students in Lemon Grove, California in the 1930-31 school
year with a dramatic recreation of the events leading up to the
"Lemon Grove Incident." In response to pressure from
white parents, as well as their own racist and segregationist
leanings, the school board decides to convert a barn on Olive
St. into a school for Latino students thus segregating public
education in Lemon Grove. The Latino parents fight against the
new plan in the Superior Court of San Diego County. The parents
win. The results in Lemon Grove helped defeat the Bliss Bill,
an attempt to redefine Mexicans as Indians to facilitate legal
segregation in the California legislature. Educational segregation
of Mexican-American students continued in parts of California
until 1947. In that year, five Mexican-American parents in Santa
Ana, California won a state wide ruling prohibiting the segregation
of Mexican American kids. This video makes it clear that segregation
in public schools was not limited to the South nor was it limited
to blacks and whites. The Lemon Grove incident is representative
of similar circumstances that played out in other school districts
in the Southwest involving Mexican Americans, Native Americans
and Asian Americans. The 1985 interviews and discussions shed
light on the individual and personal perspectives of the kids
involved in these struggles. Those interviewed made it clear that
they suffered not only in material and tangible measures but also
in intangible ones, describing the emotional scars segregation
inflicts on children.
The Story of American Public Education: The Common
School, 1770-1890. Director Sarah Mondale. Films for the Humanities
and Sciences, 2001.
This video series is a documentary
depicting the development of public education in America. As one
of the nation's founding fathers, Thomas Jefferson, emphasized
the need for education for almost all Americans in order for democracy
to survive. His plan called for 3 years of schooling for girls,
no schooling for slaves, and at least seven years for boys. Horace
Mann was a crusader for the education of all children with tax
money. He proposed the Common School. Northern states enacted
tax funded education citing its leveling effect. In 1837, the
annual spending per student in Massachusetts was $2.81. Many conflicts
arose in public schools over race and religion. Opposition came
from racial prejudice and fear of taxes.
The Story of American Public Education: As American
as Public Schools, 1900-1950. Director Sarah Mondale. Films
for the Humanities and Sciences, 2001.
Massive immigration increased school
attendance and greatly transformed public education. The style
of teaching was changing to accommodate different ethnicities.
African Americans were segregated, continuing the dual school
system.
The Story of American Public Education: A Struggle
for Educational Equality, 1950-1980. Director Sarah Mondale.
Films for the Humanities and Sciences, 2001.
Actual filmed footage of segregated
schools was shown, exploring the inequities encountered as a result
of segregation. Appeals for children to attend closer and higher
quality public schools were met with claims of "separate
but equal" by school boards. The NAACP fought for desegregation
on the grounds that "separate but equal" is unequal.
Following the Brown decision many northern cities saw "white
flight" from the cities to the suburbs to avoid desegregation
and thus segregation continued.
Primary Sources
Articles
"Background Overview and Summary." 18
January 2000. Brown v. Board of Education Orientation Handbook
29 December 2003 <http://brownvboard.org/Research/handbook>.
This helped me to understand the
development of the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People, NAACP, which was founded in 1908. This organization
led the quest toward equality in education at all levels. Its
members provided funding, through its Legal Defense Fund, support
and legal expertise. Charles Hamilton Houston, Dean of Howard
Law School, led many of the earlier cases in which the NAACP was
involved. Having died in 1950, he left Thurgood Marshall as the
chief planner of the strategy to end segregation. Marshall successfully
led the fight when, on May 17th, 1954, the United States
Supreme Court issued a unanimous decision stating that segregation
was unconstitutional as it was in violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment. The Brown decision helped launch the Civil Rights
Movement.
"Brown v. Board of Education, Issue:
Racial Segregation in Public Schools" 29 December 2003 <http://www.pbs.org/jefferson/enlight/brown.htm>.
Thomas Jefferson, in the Declaration
of Independence stated that, "all men are created equal."
He believed in universal education for all citizens. Yet Jefferson's
ownership of slaves ran contrary to this belief. This same contradiction
was symbolic of the national inconsistency between slavery and
the principles of a growing, representative democracy. This inconsistency
would live beyond a bloody civil war and even beyond Brown.
After the iconic Supreme Court decision, forbidding de jure school
segregation, the United States would endure bloody battles over
race relations as a whole, not just in schools. Brown,
not the Fourteenth Amendment, addresses the de facto school segregation
that comes with white flight and other socioeconomic factors.
This article goes beyond providing facts and historical background
concluding with questions forcing the reader to consider the legacy
of Brown today.
Dale, Charles V. "The University of Michigan
Affirmative Action Cases: Racial Diversity in Higher Education."
July 15, 2003.
This article outlines the ongoing
debate over the interpretation of the Constitution, specifically
the Fourteenth Amendment regarding affirmative action. To conclude
its 2002-03 term the United States Supreme Court handed down rulings
in the University of Michigan affirmative action cases.
DSEA. October 2003. 29 December 2003 <http://www.dsea.org/action/brownvboard.htm>.
The Supreme Court, via the Brown
decision, upheld the Constitution's promise of liberty and equal
opportunity by ending the practice of "separate but equal."
The decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas
dismantled the legal basis of segregation. Almost five decades
after the decision, Cheryl Brown Henderson, whose father, Oliver,
is the Brown in the case's title, says that Brown was about
race relations not just schools. As a result of this decision,
society was integrated at a faster rate. She credits the Court's
decision, based on its interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment,
as ending the era of states' rights. Kansas was viewed as being
progressive, offering equal facilities, salaries and qualifications.
Equal access is what Kansas lacked. The Brown decision
impacted foreign policy. One important consideration in having
a unanimous decision was to strengthen the national moral conscience
while gaining global credibility.
Hendrie, Caroline. "In Black and White."
March 24, 1999. Education Week on the Web Vol. 18. 29 December
2003 <http://www.edweek.org>.
The 1954 Brown decision
is seen as a dividing point in public education. Before 1954 a
system of separation by race existed which led to an inferior
education for millions of black children. Since 1954, many struggles
have taken place to end segregation in hopes of a better education
for all children. This gives a historical account of the judicial
involvement in school desegregation beginning with Cumming
v. Richmond County Board of Education that was the first time
the Supreme Court heard an argument directly confronting racial
discrimination in schools. In the South many states legally required
segregated schools. In the 1930's, the NAACP began to plan strategy
to challenge this inequality. Initially they fought the exclusion
of blacks from public graduate and professional schools along
with the significantly lower salaries received by black teachers.
In 1938, the Supreme Court ruled that Missouri's failure to provide
a law school for blacks was unconstitutional. In 1939, the Court
upheld a ruling that ended race-based salary differentials in
Virginia. The NAACP continued to fight cases challenging the dual
systems on the basis of "separate but equal," which
gave white students far better schools. In 1950, they were encouraged
by a Supreme Court decision concerning university cases in Texas
and Oklahoma in which the Court cited the "intangible"
qualities, such as student interaction and reputation of a school.
From this, the NAACP felt the time had come to attack school segregation
at all levels from kindergarten through college. Forty five years
after the Brown decision, divisions are evident over the
interpretations of the decision including its meaning to explicitly
prohibit race-conscious school policies or to require the attainment
of racial balance.
Jost, Kenneth. "Rethinking School Integration."
The CQ Researcher 18 Oct. 1996.
This 1996 report focuses on contemporary
trends towards school resegregation and examines the surrounding
issues. Specifically addressed are, the role of the courts in
remedying de facto school resegregation; the benefits and drawbacks
of desegregated schools versus segregated schools; and the effectiveness
of existing plans. The report provides background information
on the events leading to and following the Brown decision,
paying significant attention to the issue of busing. The statistics
and polling data in the report provide a clear picture of the
status of school desegregation in the 1990's.
Lewis, Anne C. "A Continuing American Dilemma."
Washington Commentary December, 2003.
December 7th, 2003 was
the fiftieth anniversary of the final three days of arguments
in what would be a socially historic decision. The author presents
the view that the country has been battling its own hypocrisies
concerning race for the last fifty years. In attempting to desegregate,
the country has experienced more lawsuits, "watered-down"
curricula, ability tracking, multicultural initiatives, resegregation,
special educational programs, and federally appointed master plans
such as the recent No Child Left Behind Act. A Harvard professor,
Mica Pollock, expresses the idea that many educators acknowledge
that different races learn in different ways, but would rather
ignore further exploration or potential solutions.
Lewis, Anthony. "A Time to Celebrate."
May 13, 1974, New York Times 7 May 2004 <http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/nytimes/79659415.html>.
Twenty years after Brown
Lewis looks back and decides that the United States had become
"a different country." In contrast to his 1964 piece
(please see annotation on page 16), Lewis describes a growing
skepticism in the United States. He points out that the Court's
decision in Brown was based on the relatively straight-forward
issue of de jure segregation not "all the profound problems
of inequality that arise among human beings because of their own
abilities, prejudices, advantages, deprivations." Lewis states
that Brown paved the way for increased legal action to
redress grievances.
Lewis, Anthony. "Brown v. Board." May
16, 1994, New York Times 7 May 2004 <http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/nytimes/116603666.html>.
Lewis acknowledges the paradox
that accompanied a celebration of Brown's fortieth anniversary.
He states that given the fact that blacks still suffer enormous
disadvantages it is easy to question Brown's effectiveness.
For example "too many black American children are born into
a ghetto life that stacks the odds overwhelmingly against them."
However he points out how far America has come in terms of race
since the 1954 decision. A black person can register to vote without
risking "his job, his home, his life." There are nearly
7,000 black elected officials in the South alone, and 40 black
members of the United States Congress. Lewis concludes with a
reminder of both how far America has come and how far she has
to go.
Orfield, Gary, and Chungmei Lee. "Brown
At 50: King's Dream or Plessy's Nightmare?" The
Civil Rights Project January 2004. Harvard University. 15
February 2004 <www.civilrightsproject.harvard.edu>.
In this report the authors emphasize
that resegregation in public schools is taking place. They also
make suggestions that would potentially offset this trend. This
report also presents facts, figures and graphs to illustrate the
data found.
Phillips, Susan. "Racial Tensions In Schools."
The CQ Researcher 7 Jan. 1994.
This report focuses on the troubling
issue of racial tensions, particularly among blacks and whites,
in America's schools. The report raises the question of whether
or not the noticeable increase in such tension is an unfortunate
chapter in the legacy of Brown. Also considered is whether
or not "self selecting," or voluntary segregation, within
schools increases because of tension thus further subverting the
ideals of integration. Increased racial tensions and voluntary
segregation may have a negative impact on learning, academic performance,
and social development. If this relationship exists, what direction
should our nation's schools take?
Sheppard, Nathaniel, Jr. "Blacks Trying to
Reopen Historic 1954 School Case." New York Times
3 May 2004 <http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/nytimes/111058629.html>.
Sheppard describes the state of
school desegregation in Topeka, Kansas twenty-five years after
Brown. Sadly, the district's schools remain largely segregated.
For example while twenty-two percent of the district's students
are minorities, one of Topeka's three high schools has only a
five percent minority population. These circumstances have led
Linda Brown Smith, whose father Oliver Brown was the original
Brown plaintiff, along with seven other parents to ask
the Federal District Court in Topeka to reopen the historic case.
The parents' petition states that the district "'currently
maintains and operates racially segregated schools.'" The
petition also claims that the district actively fosters school
segregation.
Walsh, Mark. "Brown Panel Seeks to Stir
Passion for History, Civil Rights." 20 November 2002. Education
Week 29 December 2003 <http://www.edweek.org>.
Members from the five jurisdictions
who had a case under the Brown umbrella are to have representatives
on the twenty-two member commission designed to orchestrate events
in memory of the fiftieth anniversary of Brown. The commission,
created by Congress, is attempting to tackle the dilemma of showing
children the importance, significance and impact of the momentous
decision made on May 17th, 1954.
Books
Balkin, Jack M., editor. What "Brown v.
Board of Education" Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal
Experts Rewrite America's Landmark Civil Rights Decision.
New York: New York University Press, 2001.
Balkin asked a group of constitutional
scholars to rewrite the opinion in Brown. Balkin wrote
the majority opinion. The other opinions ranged from concurring
in total to concurring in part with one dissenting opinion. The
majority of contributors agreed with the basic premise of overturning
Plessy's "separate but equal," but used different
constitutional logic to reach their opinions. It is important
to note that the contributors acknowledged the fact that Earl
Warren's opinion, flawed as it may be, was a product of the time
and circumstances under which he acted.
Banfield, Susan. The Bakke Case Quotas in College
Admissions. New Jersey: Enslow Publishers, Inc., 1998.
The Bakke case illustrates
the often undecided and very controversial legacy of Brown.
After twice being denied admission to the University of California
at Davis School of Medicine, Allan Bakke discovered that the school
saved sixteen out of the one hundred available spaces for members
of disadvantaged racial minorities. Feeling that this violated
his rights under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, Bakke challenged the policy in court. The case eventually
landed in the Supreme Court forcing the justices to issue the
most significant opinion to date on affirmative action. The opinions
rendered demonstrated the division among the justices. As an individual
Bakke was granted admission to the school but the justices acknowledged
the constitutionality of the consideration of race as one factor
in determining acceptance. Thurgood Marshall concurred in part
and dissented in part. He pointed out that many blacks had not
seen the anticipated benefits of the Brown decision and
that affirmative action was an appropriate remedy.
Baum, Lawrence. The Supreme Court. Washington
D.C.: The Congressional Quarterly Inc., 1998.
The Supreme Court makes its decisions
within the legal framework of the Constitution, while interpreting
existing law. It is both a legal and political institution. The
Constitution provides a written basis for challenging government
actions and their legality. The Supreme Court is limited by the
relatively few decisions it makes each year, by exercising judicial
restraint and the extent to which other governmental institutions
implements the Court's decisions. From the 1930's to the present
the Supreme Court has consistently held a collective interest
in addressing civil liberty issues even though its general position
has varied a great deal.
Belton, Robert. "Segregation, Legal Aspects."
Encyclopedia of Education: Second Edition. 2002.
The American legal system has been
extremely influential in the "creation, maintenance and elimination
of segregation in public education." The Supreme Court has
held the major role in deciding legal educational issues. In 1865
the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified abolishing slavery. In 1868
the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified providing equal protection
under the law, guaranteeing civil rights and liberties to all
citizens. The Constitution of the United States does not explicitly
mandate that governments, federal or state, provide an education
to any individual. I learned that it is the Fourteenth Amendment
that has been interpreted (in Brown) to require any state
that provides public education to make it available to all regardless
of race. Slavery gave rise to educational racial segregation as
the common belief was that whites were superior to blacks. The
first legal case to challenge the prevalent educational doctrine
of "separate but equal" was Roberts v. City of Boston
in 1849. The Massachusetts court held that the doctrine was "a
reasonable and nondiscriminatory exercise of power." The
United States Supreme Court would later use Roberts as
precedent in deciding Plessy v. Ferguson. This article
continues to detail the history of the legal struggle for school
desegregation in cases such as Dred Scott v. Sanford (1857),
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), Gong Lum v. Rice (1927), Cumming v.
Richmond Board of Education, Briggs v. Elliot, Brown I and II,
Green v. School Board of New Kent County (1968), Alexander v.
Holmes County Board of Education (1969), Board of Education of
Oklahoma City Public Schools v. Dowell, Freeman v. Pitts, Missouri
v. Jenkins, and United States v. Fordice.
Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters America in
the King Years 1954-63. U.S.A.: Touchstone, 1988.
The author explores the position
of Brown in the context of the larger civil rights movement.
Movement leaders and activists would hold events, such as the
1957 Prayer Pilgrimage, to mark the anniversaries of the Brown
decision. The book also discusses the role of high school
student Barbara Johns in the Virginia case under the Brown
consolidation and the lengthy, heated resistance of white
officials in Virginia to comply with the Brown mandate
to desegregate. One example, in particular, conveys the hope and
promise felt by blacks after hearing the Brown decision.
In Virginia, two ministers pulled over to the side of the highway
after listening to the radio broadcast announcing the decision.
They knelt on the side of the road to offer a prayer of thanks.
Carrow, David J. Bearing the Cross, Martin Luther
King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
New York: Random House, 1986.
This book helps to place Brown
in the context of the larger civil rights movement. It describes
the events that took place to commemorate the anniversaries of
the Brown decision. These commemorations served not only
to mark the date itself but also to mobilize and inspire people
in the civil rights movement. It is interesting to consider how
the upcoming fiftieth anniversary might fit into this tradition.
Cottrol, Robert J., Raymond T. Diamond, and Leland
B. Ware. Brown v. Board of Education Caste, Culture
and the Constitution. U.S.A.: University Press of Kansas,
2003.
The authors define race relations
in the United States as a caste system albeit one to which many
involved do not give their consent. The system exists not only
in theory and belief but also in legal mandate through the Constitution,
state and federal law and legal decisions such as Plessy.
The Brown decision was one step in dismantling the caste
system by eliminating the legal mandate. The Brown decision
did more than end the legal doctrine of "separate but equal,"
it impacted race relations in the United States, helped to shape
and launch the modern civil rights movement, and established an
enduring legacy of judicial activism. The authors conclude with
the compelling question of Brown's true impact.
Dudley, Mark E. Brown v. Board of Education School
Desegregation . Ontario, Canada: Fitzhenry and Whiteside,
Ltd., 1994.
This book highlighted the chain
of events leading up to and following Brown. Most importantly,
it better clarified the many struggles experienced by the people
in various cities on their quests to integrate, or maintain a
segregated school system.
Fireside, Harvey, and Betsy Fuller. Brown v.
Board of Education Equal Schooling for All. New Jersey: Enslow
Publishers, Inc., 1994.
Oliver Brown attempted to enroll
his daughter, Linda, at the neighborhood elementary school. She
was denied entrance because she was black. He, along with other
families, filed a suit against the Board of Education of Topeka,
Kansas. The case was eventually joined together with cases from
three other states and the District of Columbia and was heard
by the Supreme Court. The NAACP LDF argued the case.
Fireside, Harvey. Plessy v. Ferguson New
Jersey: Enslow Publishers, Inc., 1997.
On June 7, 1892, Homer A. Plessy
was arrested for refusing to move from the white section of a
train. He was seven-eighths white and one-eighth black, which
according to Louisiana law, prohibited him from riding in the
white section. The case made its way to the Supreme Court which
ruled in favor of the state of Louisiana, thereby upholding the
practice of "separate but equal" as constitutional.
Garner, Bryan A., editor. Black's Law Dictionary:
Seventh Edition. St. Paul, Minnesota: West Group, 1999.
I learned about terms such as amicus
curiae, certiorari, de facto, de jure and writ.
Goodwin, Richard N. Remembering America: A Voice
from the 60's, New York: Harper & Row, 1988.
During the Supreme Court arguments
of Brown v. Board the Chief Justice, Earl Warren, waited
for the justices to reach a unanimous decision. Justice Robert
Jackson was the last to hold out. Warren delivered the opinion
on behalf of the "Warren Court." The enforcement of
the decision was extremely difficult. It was not the job of the
court to enforce, but up to Congress and the President. President
Eisenhower did not support desegregation and thus was reluctant
to enforce the decision. Later under the Kennedy and Johnson administrations,
the Department of Justice was more active in enforcement but their
actions were still constrained by politics.
Herda, D.J. The Dred Scott Case: Slavery and
Citizenship. New Jersey: Enslow Publishers, Inc. 1994.
The Dred Scott case set an enormous
precedent for future Supreme Court decisions. The justices ruled
that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional. This further
encouraged the determination of southerners to uphold slavery
while enraging northern abolitionists. By the time the Supreme
Court had ruled against Dred Scott's plea for freedom, the case
had drawn an enormous amount of attention that further divided
the nation.
Hudson, David L. Jr. The Fourteenth Amendment:
Equal Protection Under Law. U.S.A.: Enslow Publishers, Inc.
2002.
The Fourteenth Amendment, ratified
in 1868, was considered to be a second Bill of Rights. The first
ten amendments, known as the Bill of Rights, were written to ensure
that the rights of the individual, or civil liberties, were protected
and ensured in spite of changing political views. The Bill of
Rights restrained the powers of the federal government, but not
explicitly the states' government powers. The Fourteenth Amendment
was added to ensure that all American citizens receive equal protection,
especially blacks. The Fourteenth Amendment became the basis of
claims for desegregation in schools, and other facets of life,
brought by the NAACP. From the time of the Fourteenth Amendment's
ratification in 1868, people sought to use the Fourteenth Amendment
as the basis for incorporation of the Bill of Rights to apply
to the states.
Irons, Peter. A People's History of the Supreme Court.
U.S.A.: Viking, 1999.
Irons goes into great detail discussing
the five individual cases that formed Brown v. Board of Education.
The NAACP began to carry out a series of well-planned lawsuits
with their goal being to strike down the dual-school system in
the South. This book gives insight into the inner workings of
the Supreme Court and the personal exchanges and compromises that
give rise to judicial decisions and constitutional interpretations.
Irons, Peter. Jim Crow's Children: The Broken
Promise of the Brown Decision. U.S.A.:Viking, 2002.
Irons provides a summary of the
legal struggle for school desegregation beginning with the Roberts
case in 1849 and continuing through today. He points out that
the lengthy history of segregation will not be easily overcome
and that its lasting effects still mark all children. Irons questions
where the path of school desegregation will go next.
Jackson, Cynthia L. African American Education.
U.S.A.: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2001.
This revisits several Supreme Court
decisions since Brown illustrating the back and forth dilemma
that the implementation of desegregation in public education has
posed. The author observed blatant noncompliance, undermining
and reluctance in so-called efforts to desegregate. Jackson believes
that black children were unequally made to compromise, such as
being asked to leave their neighborhoods. At the end of the twentieth
century the majority of educational opportunities were found in
predominantly white settings which failed to acknowledge black
culture and, thereby, individual identity. Reasons given for the
failure of desegregation include the absence of blacks in the
role of defining desegregation. The result was desegregation being
something that was "done to blacks and not for blacks."
Jones, Leon. From Brown to Boston: Desegregation
in Education, 1955-1974. New Jersey: Scarecrow Press, 1979.
In this overview, Jones stresses
the negative effects of school desegregation on the average black
student. For example, a 1974 survey of 2,908 school systems by
the Department of Health, Education and Welfare showed that black
students were suspended from schools twice as often as white students.
Further, black students represented 27% of the total number of
students in these systems yet received 42% of all suspensions
and 37% of all expulsions. The emphasis for desegregation has
been focused on the South, perhaps due to their long and flagrant
history of holding beliefs of "white supremacy." This
has served to slow down desegregation in the North and West and
Jones cites this "lack of pressure" as the reason for
the slow progress. His conclusion is that the effects of Brown
on black school children have been negative.
Kluger, Richard. Simple Justice. New York:
Vintage Books, 2004.
This is perhaps the most comprehensive
account of the events of, people involved in and details surrounding
the Brown cases. It is a seemingly infinite supply of facts
and information gathered from countless interviews and primary
source documents. Kluger tells the story of hundreds of participants,
known and unknown, involved in the five consolidated cases. This
book, written near the nation's bicentennial, represents a body
of literature that views Brown with optimism. Kluger acknowledges
the long distance left to travel to achieve integration yet feels
that the distance will be traversed. He cites the gains, in terms
of integration, made in the arena of popular culture. Kluger sees
the hopeful promise of Brown as being within the reach
of our national grasp. It is interesting to consider whether Kluger
would still express the same optimism today. In this edition,
published this year to commemorate Brown's fiftieth anniversary
and comment on its legacy to date, Kluger has added a new final
chapter. In it he states his belief that in order to see Brown's
legacy fulfilled "Americans of every variety [must] acknowledge
that what separates them is small change when counted against
all they hold in common."
Kotlowitz, Alex. There Are No Children Here.
U.S.A.: Doubleday, 1991.
Kotlowitz chronicles the lives
of Lafeyette and Pharoah Rivers, two young black boys growing
up in Chicago's inner city. He details not only the poor quality
of education the boys receive at a public elementary school but
also the detrimental experience the boys have interacting with
the social welfare system on all levels. In fact, Kotlowitz became
so emotionally involved with the two boys that he financed their
educations at a private school. This book illustrates how easily
inner city school children can and do fall through the cracks
of a system designed to sustain and educate them. The question
arises, was this one of the negative results anticipated by Justice
Felix Frankfurter?
Ogletree, Charles J., Jr. All Deliberate Speed.
New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2004.
In this fiftieth anniversary analysis,
Ogletree explores the influence of Brown on his life and
educational opportunities, as well as the impact of the decision
on the nation as a whole. He has the unique perspective of being
a black man who grew up with both the promises and realities of
Brown. Although Ogletree states that his higher educational
opportunities greatly benefited from the Brown decision,
he believes that it would have been more beneficial if Chief Justice
Warren had used stronger wording in his opinion and given a remedy
at the time the decision was handed down. He draws a comparison
between Warren's words and those of President Abraham Lincoln
in his second inaugural address. Ogletree concludes with an expression
of hope that America is capable of fulfilling Brown's legacy.
Orfield, Gary, and Susan Eaton. Dismantling Desegregation:
The Quiet Reversal Of Brown v. Board of Education. New York:
New Press, 1996.
Orfield and Eaton document the
recent trend away from desegregation and towards resegregation
in America's public schools. The authors comment on the tangible
as well as intangible benefits of integrated education. They also
suggest various policy means to achieve desegregation.
Pacelle, Richard L. Jr. The Role of the Supreme
Court in American Politics, the Least Dangerous Branch? U.S.:
Westview Press, 2002.
Pacelle explored background information
on the Supreme Court and the varying opinions concerning the question
of the Court's possible overstepping of its boundaries. Some critics
feel that the Supreme Court is becoming too involved in policy-making
rather than interpreting the Constitution. Others feel that the
Supreme Court should rule unaffected by the other branches of
government, with its goal being to do what it sees as best for
the country or the persons involved in each case.
Powell, Gloria J. Black Monday's Children A Study
of the Effects of School Desegregation on Self-Concept of Southern
Children. U.S.A.: Meredith Corporation, 1973.
Powell conducted a study to examine
the effects of school life, and school desegregation in particular,
on the emotional development of children both black and white.
She studied black and white students in 7th, 8th
and 9th grade in three Southern cities. Powell wanted
to determine the impact of the Brown mandate on individual
children. She distinguished integration from desegregation. She
stated that segregation violates the promise of America and that
it illustrates the gap between American ideals and realities.
Notably Powell concluded that black students displayed higher
levels of self-esteem in segregated schools. In the modern era,
with its resegregation trends, it is interesting to consider Powell's
results.
Raffel, Jeffrey, editor. Historical Dictionary
of School Segregation and Desegregation. Connecticut: Greenwood
Press, 1998.
This lexicon helped me to understand
many of the terms, cases and decisions associated with a study
of Brown such as "all deliberate speed," Bolling
v. Sharpe, Briggs v. Elliott, busing, Civil Rights
Act of 1964, dual system, freedom of choice, NAACP, pupil placement
laws, "separate but equal," unitary system, George Wallace,
Earl Warren, Warren Court and voluntary plan.
Schwartz, A History of the Supreme Court.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.
The Warren Court era, 1953-1969,
is considered the second greatest period in American law. Its
objective was to interpret issues in a rapidly changing society
in relation to the Constitution. Earl Warren, named as Chief Justice
in 1953 to replace Fred Vinson, used leadership skills that enabled
him to secure a unanimous decision in Brown. Justice Felix
Frankfurter and his law clerk, Alexander Bickel, researched the
original intent of the Fourteenth Amendment. After months of research,
the two men concluded that the legislative history of the amendment
was inconclusive in its intent to outlaw or not outlaw segregation.
This conclusion became the first point in the Brown decision.
Warren believed that to sustain segregation on the basis of Plessy
would be to affirm the inferiority of blacks. Warren did secure
affirmative votes from all the justices by allowing for flexibility
over "immediate desegregation concerns" and keeping
the Court out of the decision's direct enforcement. Great secrecy
was practiced between the time of the vote and the reading of
the opinion to prevent leaking of the decision. Warren wrote the
Brown opinion. The decision for the four states was made
under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
while the District of Columbia decision was made under the Due
Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment. The emotions surrounding
the reading of the opinion when Warren added the word, "unanimously,"
were conveyed as nobody had realized that he had achieved a unanimous
decision. Although the Brown decision specifically addressed
public schools it led to the desegregation of other public institutions
such as parks, beaches, restaurants and stores. Forty years after
the decision it is viewed as one of the most historic decisions
in United States history.
Suskind, Ron. A Hope In the Unseen. New York:
Broadway Books, 1998.
Suskind's account of the journey
of Cedric Jennings, a young black man, from the inner city of
Washington D.C., to the Ivy League's Brown University, exemplifies
the broken promises of the Brown decision.
Tackach, James. Brown v. Board of Education.
San Diego: Lucent Books, Inc., 1998.
This book includes a timeline covering
the period from 1865, when the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified
freeing slaves, to 1965 when President Johnson signed the Voting
Rights Act. It also points out that the Brown decision
outlawed mandated segregation but did not address integration.
Could a Supreme Court decision mandate integration? Does the Court
have a constitutional prerogative to act in such a manner? In
Green v. County School Board of Kent County and Alexander
v. Holmes County Board of Education, the Court did address
the need for schools to reflect the ethnic diversity of the community
as well as the immediate need for action. In Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Board of Education the Court upheld a busing plan to achieve
integration. These decisions were followed by an increasing number
of white families leaving inner cities, commonly referred to as
"white flight."
Tushnet, Mark V. Brown v. Board of Education,
The Battle for Integration. U.S.A.: Grolier Publishing, 1995.
This book provides illustrations
of key figures on the road to desegregation as well as gives an
in depth analysis of the lower court cases that were grouped together
under the title of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,
Kansas. One of the first major problems decided in a federal
court was determining what type of segregation existed in certain
areas, de facto, due to choice of residence, or de jure, which
is legally mandated. Various methods of desegregation are explored
with busing emerging as a leading choice. Busing is one choice
that has at times been met with harsh opposition and is still
a source of debate.
Wollenberg, Charles M. All Deliberate Speed:
Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools. Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1976.
Wollenberg's book sheds light on
how long the struggle for school desegregation has been waged
in California. As neither a southern nor northern state, yet one
of the nation's most racially diverse, California is an interesting
case study in school desegregation. This is particularly relevant
today as school resegregation is on the rise not merely among
whites and blacks but among whites, blacks and Latinos, California's
fastest growing ethnic group. Wollenberg stresses that minorities
are not merely small groups of people who have been "trampled
on" by society, but rather that they have unique cultures
and heritages of their own. In California, court decisions concerning
de jure segregation met little or no resistance. On the other
hand, decisions regarding de facto segregation met resistance.
As strong opposition to mandated busing grew, so did doubt that
California courts could overcome segregation in public schools.
De facto segregation was also more difficult to overcome because
of "white flight" and other socioeconomic factors. De
facto segregation continues to be the chief problem in terms of
achieving integration in California schools today.
Wolters, Raymond. The Burden of Brown: Thirty
Years of School Desegregation. Knoxville: University of Tennessee
Press, 1984.
The implementation of the Brown
decision was carried out in drastically different ways. Wolters
details the history of Brown's implementation in each of
the five cases. Although Washington D.C., the city of origination
of Bolling v. Sharpe, was the nation's first district to
desegregate, it has been a continual struggle. In 1951 the student
population of public schools in the District of Columbia consisted
of 52.4% black children and 47.6% white children. In 1954, the
District spent $240.27 per white student and $186.17 per black
student. In 1981 the student population was 94.4% black children
and 3.5% white children, appearing to be resegregated. This has
chiefly been attributed to "white flight" from public
schools. Overall, the public schools in the District of Columbia
have seen an increase in violent acts and drug use in conjunction
with a decrease in test scores. Administrators and teachers cite
the difficulties students experienced responding to discipline
from opposite race teachers. In 1975, Hugh Scott, a former superintendent,
stated the need for large-scale changes in the environment as
being necessary for the production of better results in schools.
"Children in the District's public schools do poorly because
so many of them come from impoverished homes, and they will continue
to do poorly regardless of how the school system is reformed."
In Prince Edward County, Virginia, desegregation was met with
massive resistance. In 1959, the county withdrew financial support
for the school district, and therefore saw the closure of public
schools and the creation of private academies for white students.
The ensuing four years provided no public education for black
children. In 1964, public schools reopened to a widely black student
population with segregation being maintained through the creation
of a variation of the dual school system. In Summerton, South
Carolina, desegregation was not required until 1965, and by 1969
only minimal desegregation had occurred. In Green v. New Kent
County, in 1968, the Court mandated that southern school districts
assign students in order to achieve proportional racial distribution.
The majority of white students withdrew from the local public
schools. In 1980, only one white student of 286 in the community
was enrolled in a public school. The result of the ruling was
"white flight" and resegregation. In New Castle County,
Delaware, the main resistance to desegregation occurred in the
city of Wilmington where blacks were more predominant. Academic
and disciplinary standards fell resulting in middle and upper
class families moving to the suburbs or transferring to private
schools, producing a new dual school system. By 1975, 90% of public
school students in the city of Wilmington were non-white while
90% in the rest of the county were white. The federal district
court imposed a massive busing program over a 250 square mile
area. Many families moved out of the desegregation area or enrolled
their children in private schools. In Topeka, Kansas, the school
board came up with a plan that satisfied the district court and
was not challenged for twenty-four years. Topeka did not have
dense populations of blacks. Topeka's desegregation plan assigned
children to their neighborhood schools regardless of race. The
district court maintained that desegregation meant that schools
could not prohibit enrollment due to race. Eventually challenges
were made calling for further desegregation, but Topeka did not
experience the "white flight" and failures as occurred
in the District of Columbia, Prince Edward County, Summerton or
Wilmington. Wolters maintains that the "prohibition of official
segregation has been a failure in four of the five Brown
school districts." Those defending the Court's decision cite
the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment's use of vague language
such as "equal protection" to be interpreted in whatever
way the Court wanted them to be interpreted. The opponents of
Brown insist that the framers did not intend to outlaw
segregation as they interjected their own personal idea of proper
social policy. The Congress that ratified the Fourteenth Amendment
also provided for segregated schools in the District of Columbia,
which can be interpreted to indicate that the Equal Protection
Clause did not prohibit segregation. Yet, the founding fathers
made provisions for amending the Constitution in Article V, meaning
they saw it as a living document.
Interviews
Irons, Peter. Personal interview. 20 May 2004.
Peter Irons is a professor of political
science at the University of California, San Diego where he is
also the director of the Earl Warren Bill of Rights Project. He
is a practicing civil rights attorney. In addition, Irons is an
award-winning author whose most recent book, Jim Crow's Children,
won the 2003 American Bar Association Silver Gavel Award. This
book is a comprehensive and invaluable resource in any study of
the Brown decision. A People's History of the Supreme
Court, another of Irons' award-winning books, is also an excellent
source of information. The audio collection, May It Please
the Court, compiled by Irons helps develop a greater appreciation
of the workings of the Court. Irons was deeply involved in the
Civil Rights Movement. As a college student he joined the campus
NAACP chapter and volunteered with the Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee. He helped organize the 1963 March on Washington as
an employee of the United Auto Workers. It was not until Irons
was a student at Harvard Law School, studying the Brown
opinions that he learned that his Delaware junior high school,
Carrie Downie, was one of the segregated schools involved in the
Brown cases. As both a student and professor in Boston,
Irons recalls the violent and intense battles over busing in that
city in the early 1970s and the frightening lack of action from
Boston's political leaders. He views the 1974 Supreme Court decision
in Milliken v. Bradley as a negative turning point in Brown's
legacy. The case involved busing across district lines that would
somewhat combine the student populations between Detroit's inner
city and its suburbs. In a five to four decision the Court ruled
that this was not an acceptable remedy to achieve integration.
This made the suburbs "a safe haven for whites who did not
want their children to attend school with blacks." Justice
Thurgood Marshall wrote an eloquent dissent in the case bemoaning
the deleterious impact the majority opinion would have on the
future of integration. Irons also points out the increasing trends
towards resegregation in U.S. schools. Matching the resegregation
trends that began in the late 1980s, are widening gaps in student
achievement levels. Every year since 1988, the gap in achievement
by white students compared to that by their black and Hispanic
counterparts has grown. In terms of Brown's legacy, Irons
sees its most lasting impact as an overall attitude change regarding
race in the United States. This attitudinal change has far surpassed
any institutional change that was anticipated to accompany the
decision. Like many others Irons shares the view that Brown's
effects, in terms of integration, are most seen outside of American
schools in places such as restaurants, hotels, and other public
facilities. On a very intimate level, Irons feels that integration
has been positive for all students. He recognizes the sacrifices
made by minority students who leave their communities to attend
school in more affluent, largely white neighborhoods. Despite
the negative impact of tracking that often takes place at these
schools Irons feels that the biggest benefit to the minority students
comes in the form of higher teacher expectations that too often
do not exist in inner city schools.
Lewis, Anthony. Personal interview. 13 May 2004.
Anthony Lewis is a two-time Pulitzer
Prize winning journalist. For over thirty years, he wrote a column
titled "Abroad at Home" for the New York Times.
Much of his work has been focused on the Supreme Court and constitutional
issues about which he has also published several books. Mr. Lewis
recalled the intense optimism surrounding the Brown decision
saying, "Brown sent a lightning bolt of hope down
from the Court. Prior to Brown blacks were relegated to
separate and unequal facilities from the cradle to the grave."
Under Jim Crow blacks were subjected to unspeakable violence,
with over one hundred blacks being lynched each year in the United
States. At the time of Brown only four percent of blacks
in Mississippi were registered to vote, and only fourteen percent
were registered in Alabama. Despite these enormous obstacles Lewis
remarked on how he has always been impressed with the determination
of blacks in the United States to achieve equality. In fact it
is the equality and opportunity achieved by blacks since Brown,
rather than the shortfalls of integration, that are the most accurate
illustrations of the decision's legacy. Lewis pointed out the
pivotal role played by the feelings of whites in achieving Brown's
promise of equality, saying that whites must have a developed
conscience that recognizes the rights of all people. He noted
that, "our country is still marked by the scars of racismwith
one fifth of the black living below the poverty line." Regardless
of how far we have to travel as a country to achieve equality
Lewis stated, "I emphatically disagree with those who say
there has been no change since BrownI think there has been
a revolution. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas
made possible a revolution. The greatest achievement of Brown
has not been in our schools but in our nation as a whole. This
remains a race-conscious country but now most all of us know that
racism is wrong and that is a huge improvement."
Television Program
Peter Irons. Jim Crow's Children: Broken Promise
of Brown Decision. UCSD-TV. 19 January 2004.
Irons, the author of Jim Crow's
Children, talks about the book. In his lecture as well as
the concluding question and answer session, Irons discusses the
failures of desegregation efforts since Brown and the centuries
long history of inferior education for blacks in the United States.
Videos
Simple Justice Volume 2. Director Helaine
Head. Videocassette. New Images Productions, 1993.
The "Simple Justice"
videos are reenactments of the struggles that ultimately resulted
in the Brown decision. The NAACP suffered defeat in Virginia,
South Carolina, Delaware, and Kansas in their battle for equal
educational opportunities. Some hope came from the opinion handed
down in Topeka, Kansas as it stated that black schools were unequal
and segregation did have a negative effect, but that the Plessy
precedent could not be overruled on that judiciary level. The
Supreme Court agreed to hear these four appeals, along with Bolling
v. Sharpe from the District of Columbia. The four cases were
consolidated into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas.
Even though Brown did not come first alphabetically his
name was selected over Harry Briggs to ease the pressure on the
south.
Simple Justice Volume 3. Director Helaine
Head. Videocassette. New Images Productions. 1993.
This video recreated the strategy
used by the NAACP, led by Thurgood Marshall, in the case which
resulted in the Supreme Court's landmark Brown decision.
Following the decision, one year was given to formulate plans
to desegregate public schools. In 1955, the Supreme Court, in
Brown II, ordered desegregation to proceed with "all
deliberate speed.".
|