Figure 1: Maud Allan in classical costume. From Maud Allan, My Life and Dancing (London, 1908). In author's possession.

	Figure 2: Façade of the Palace Theatre of Varieties. From the Illustrated London News, 1891. Courtesy of the Museum of London.

	Figure 3: Examples of tableaux vivants similar to those on display at the Palace Theatre, London. French, late nineteenth century. Courtesy of Getty Images.

	Figure 4: Salome with the head. "Is the Head Necessary?" asked the Sketch (March 25, 1908), supplement 3. Courtesy of General Research Division, the New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

	Figure 5: Maud Allan and her imitators (Allan is on the right). "The Salome Dance by Three of Its Exponents," Morning Telegraph, July 6, 1908. Maud Allan Clippings. Courtesy of Jerome Robbins Dance Division, the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

	Figure 6: "Maud Allan's `Salome' Dance in Sections," 1908. Maud Allan Clippings. Courtesy of Jerome Robbins Dance Division, the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

	Figure 7: "How Maud Allan's Graceful Gyrations Appealed to Chicagoans," 1910. Maud Allan Clippings. Courtesy of Jerome Robbins Dance Division, the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

	Figure 8: Maud Allan at the Palace Theatre, March 17, 1908. Maud Allan Clippings. Courtesy of Jerome Robbins Dance Division, the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

	Figure 9: Program cover, Palace Theatre of Varieties, October 6, 1913. Courtesy of the Museum of London.

	Figure 10: Allan and the Asquiths. "Most Pestered of Premiers," in which the prime minister is compared to Job. Maud Allan Clippings. Courtesy of Jerome Robbins Dance Division, the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

Judith R. Walkowitz is a professor of history at Johns Hopkins University. She has also taught at Rutgers University, where she participated in the founding of the women's history program there. Her research and writing has focused on the history of political culture, social and cultural contests over sexuality, and on urban space. She is the author of Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State (1980) and City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London (1992). Her articles have appeared in Feminist Studies, History Workshop, Victorian Studies, Representations, and Radical History Review. This article is part of a book-length project on the cultural geography of Central London, 1890–1939, which focuses on a particular built environment—Soho and its surrounding thoroughfares—and explores the diverse cultures of modernity and modernism that it helped stage.

Notes

¹ New Jersey Telegraph, March 23, 1908, Maud Allan Clippings, New York Public Library.

² "Maud Allan the Rage in London," New York World[1908], Allan Clippings.

³ On the making of the international star as a self-actualizing, speaking subject, see Eric S. Salmon, ed., Bernhardt and the Theatre of Her Time (Westport, Conn., 1977); Heather McPherson, "Sarah Bernhardt: Portrait of the Actress as Spectacle," Nineteenth-Century Contexts 20 (1999): 409–54. On the idea of Greater Britain, see Sir Charles Wentworth Dilke, Greater Britain: A Record of Travel in English-Speaking Countries (1869; rpt. edn., London, 1890). On the complex mapping of Anglo-Saxonism, metropole, and empire, see Judith R. Walkowitz, "The Indian Woman, the Flower Girl, and the Jew: Photojournalism in Edwardian London," Victorian Studies 42 (Fall 1999): 3–46; David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (Oxford, 2000); Paul A. Kramer, "Empires, Exceptions, and Anglo-Saxons: Race and Rule between the British and the United States Empires, 1880–1910," Journal of American History 88, no. 4 (March 2002): 1315–53.

⁴ Critical works on Maud Allan's dancing career include Philip Hoare, Wilde's Last Stand: Decadence, Conspiracy and the First World War (London, 1997); Deborah Jowett, Time and the Dancing Image (Berkeley, Calif., 1988); Amy Koritz, Gendering Bodies/Performing Art: Dance and Literature in Early Twentieth-Century British Culture (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1995); Susan Manning, "The Female Dancer and the Male Gaze: Feminist Critiques of Early Modern Dance," in Gay Morris, ed., Moving Words: Re-writing Dance (London, 1996), 153–66; Felix Cherniavsky, Did She Dance: Maud Allan in Performance (electronic pub.) (Toronto, 1991); Cherniavsky, The Salome Dancer: The Life and Times of Maud Allan (Toronto, 1991); Elaine Showalter, Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siècle (New York, 1990). Works that also focus on her participation in the 1918 libel trial include Hoare, Wilde's Last Stand; Lucy Bland, "Trial by Sexology? Maud Allan, Salome, and the Cult of the Clitoris Case," in Bland and Laura Doan, eds., Sexology in Culture: Labelling Bodies and Desires (Cambridge, 1998), 183–97; Michael Kettle, Salome's Last Veil: The Libel Case of the Century (London, 1977); Jennifer Travis, "Clits in Court: Salome, Sodomy, and the Lesbian `Sadist,'" in Karla Jay, ed., Lesbian Erotics (New York, 1995), 147–63; Laura Doan, Fashioning Sapphism: The Origins of a Modern English Lesbian Culture (New York, 2000).

⁵ The Times, June 3, 1897, quoted in Tori Smith, "`A Grand Work of Noble Conception': The Victoria Memorial and Imperial London," in Imperial Cities: Landscape, Display, and Identity, Felix Driver and David Gilbert, eds. (Manchester, 1999), 25; Felix Driver and Davis Gilbert, "Heart of Empire? Landscape, Space, and Performance in Imperial London," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16 (1998): 11–28.

⁶ Gavin Weightman, Bright Lights, Big City: London Entertained, 1830–1950 (London, 1992); Weightman and Steve Humphries, The Making of Modern London, 1914–1939 (London, 1984); Weightman and Humphries, The Making of Modern London, 1815–1914 (London, 1983), chap. 2. On the theatrical culture of the West End, see Peter Bailey, Popular Culture and Performance in the Victorian City (Cambridge, 1998); Bailey, "Theatres of Entertainment/Spaces of Modernity: Rethinking the British Popular Stage 1890–1914," Nineteenth Century Theatre 26 (Summer 1998): 5–24; Barbara Green, Spectacular Confessions: Autobiography, Performative Activism, and the Sites of Suffrage, 1905–1938 (New York, 1997); Joel H. Kaplan and Sheila Stowell, Theatre and Fashion: Oscar Wilde to the Suffragettes (Cambridge, 1992); Deborah Epstein Nord, Walking the Victorian Streets: Women, Representation, and the City (Ithaca, N.Y., 1995); Erika Diane Rappaport, Shopping for Pleasure: Women in the Making of London's West End (Berkeley, Calif., 1999); Lisa Tickner, "The Popular Culture of Kermesse: Lewis, Painting and Performance, 1912–13," Modernity/Modernism 4, no. 2 (1997): 67–120; Sheila Stowell, A Stage of Their Own: Feminist Playwrights of the Suffrage Era (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992); Mica Nava, "Modernity Tamed? Women Shoppers and the Rationalisation of Consumption in the Inter-war Period," Australian Journal of Communication 22, no. 2 (1995): 1–19. For the American case, see Susan Glenn, Female Spectacle: The Theatrical Roots of Modern Votes for Women (Cambridge, Mass., 2000); William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York, 1993); Lewis A. Erenberg, Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture, 1890–1930 (Westport, Conn., 1981); Christine Stansell, American Moderns: Bohemian New York and the Creation of a New Century (New York, 2000).

⁷ On the Edwardian variety theater, see Dave Russell, "Varieties of Life: The Making of the Edwardian Music Hall," in Michael Booth and Joel H. Kaplan, eds., The Edwardian Theatre: Essays on Performance and the Stage (Cambridge, 1996), 61–85. On glamour, see Peter Bailey, "Parasexuality and Glamour: The Victorian Barmaid as Cultural Prototype," Gender and History 2, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 148–72; Rhonda E. Garelick, Rising Star: Dandyism, Gender, and Performance in the Fin de Siècle (Princeton, N.J., 1998); Salmon, Bernhardt and the Theatre of Her Time; McPherson, "Sarah Bernhardt," 409–54; Glenn, Female Spectacle, chap. 1.

⁸ Many of these amenities, notably the grand hotels, Selfridge's department store, and the London Underground, were heavily financed by foreign capital, even as the City extended its financial dominion over the globe, well beyond the boundaries of the British Empire. See Hugh Montgomery-Massingbred and David Watkin, The London Ritz: A Social and Architectural History (London, 1980); Gordon Honeycombe, Selfridges: Seventy-Five Years; The Story of the Store, 1909–1984 (London, 1984); T. C. Barker and Michael Robbins, A History of London Transport: Passenger Travel and the Development of the Metropolis, 2 vols. (London, 1975–76).

⁹ Georg Simmel, "Fashion," American Journal of Sociology 62 (May 1957): 541–58; Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, Richard Nice, trans. (1984; rpt. edn., Cambridge, Mass., 2002).

¹⁰ On the history of early modern dance and its relation to the ballet, see Jowett, Time; Koritz, Gendering Bodies; Morris, Moving Words; Ann Daly, Done into Dance: Isadora Duncan in America (Bloomington, Ind., 1995); Linda J. Tomko, Dancing Class: Gender, Ethnicity, and Social Divides in American Dance, 1890–1920 (Bloomington, 1999); Lynn Garafola, Diaghilev's Ballets Russes (1989; rpt. edn., New York, 1998); Ivor Guest, Ballet in Leicester Square: The Alhambra and the Empire, 1860–1915 (London, 1992). Two early histories of turn-of-the-century dance include J. E. Crawford Flitch, Modern Dancing and Dancers (London, 1912); Troy and Margaret Kinney, The Dance: Its Place in Art and Life (1914; rpt. edn., New York, 1935). On the English country dance revival, see Georgina Boyes, The Imagined Village: Culture, Ideology and the English Folk Revival (Manchester, 1996); Daniel J. Walkowitz, "City Folk: English Country Dance and the Culture of Liberalism in Mid and Late Twentieth Century America," paper presented at London History Workshop, London, November 5, 2002.

¹¹ "Maud Allan's Salome Dance," New Jersey Sun, August 9, 1908, Allan Clippings.

¹² Amy Koritz, "Dancing the Orient for England: Maud Allan's `The Vision of Salome,'" Theatre Journal 46 (1994): 63–78.

¹³ The Oxford English Dictionary offers a number of historical definitions of cosmopolitan: "belonging to all parts of the world" and "free from national limitations or attachments" relate to the privileged meanings of cosmopolitanism. Alternatively, G. B. Shaw's reference to "cosmopolitan riffraff" in John Bull's Island (1907) is cited as an example of cosmopolitan to mean "Composed of people from many different countries." On historical definitions of "cosmopolitanism," see OED Online (http://dictionary.oed.com). In The Secret Agent (1907), Joseph Conrad employs cosmopolitan in both senses. See Todd K. Bender, A Concordance to Conrad's "The Secret Agent" (New York, 1979), items 018.05 and 032.27.

¹⁴ The contemporary literature on cosmopolitanism is vast, but very few scholars attend to its historical usage. On the history of cosmopolitanism and Victorian concepts of detachment, see Amanda Anderson, The Power of Distance: Cosmopolitanism and the Cultivation of Detachment (Princeton, N.J., 2001). On cosmopolitanism and modernism, see "Conrad's Adaptation: Theatricality and Cosmopolitanism," Modern Drama 44 (Fall 2001): 318–36. On philosophical debates about affiliations that establish corporate attachments beyond the nation, see Pheng Cheah, et al., Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling beyond the Nation (Minneapolis, 1998). On the reconfiguration of London as the center of empire and international capital, see Jonathan Schneer, London 1900: The Imperial Metropolis (New Haven, Conn., 1999); Antoinette M. Burton, At the Heart of the Empire: Indians and the Colonial Encounter in Late-Victorian Britain (Berkeley, Calif., 1998); Cannadine, Ornamentalism; M. H. Port, Imperial London: Civil Government Building in London, 1850–1915 (New Haven, Conn., 1995); Bernard Porter, Britain, Europe, and the World 1850–1982: Delusions of Grandeur (London, 1983); J. B. Priestley, The Edwardians (London, 1970); P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688–1914 (London, 1993); Driver and Gilbert, "Heart of Empire?" 11–28; David Kynaston, The City of London, Vol. 1: A World of Its Own, 1815–1890 (London, 1994); Ranald C. Michie, The City of London: Continuity and Change, 1850–1990 (London, 1992); Anthony D. King, Global Cities: Post-Imperialism and the Internationalization of London (London, 1990). At the quotidian level, see Mica Nava, "The Cosmopolitanism of Commerce and the Allure of Difference: Selfridges, the Russian Ballet, and the Tango 1911–1914," International Journal of Cultural Studies 1, no. 2 (1998): 164–98.

¹⁵ For a discussion of dance elements and their structuring, see Susan Leigh Foster, Reading Dancing: Bodies and Subjects in Contemporary American Dance (Berkeley, Calif., 1986), 90–92.

¹⁶ On Marcel Remy and Ferrucio Busoni, see Maud Allan, My Life and Dancing (London, 1908), 51–69; Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 122, 123.

¹⁷ Julie Wheelwright, The Fatal Lover: Mata Hari and the Myth of Women in Espionage (London, 1992), 19–24. For a description of Allan's costume, see Noel Pemberton Billing, Verbatim Report of the Trial of Noel Pemberton Billing, M.P., on a Charge of Common Libel (London, 1918), 90.

¹⁸ Felix Cherniavsky, "Maud Allan, Part II: First Steps to a Dancing Career, 1904–1907," Dance Chronicle 6, no. 3 (1983): 139.

¹⁹ Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 173, 174; Hoare, Wilde's Last Stand, 80.

²⁰ On Margot Asquith, see Colin Clifford, The Asquiths (London, 2002); Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 175, 176, 181, 182. According to Cherniavsky (p. 181), Mrs. Asquith financed Allan's move into West Wing, a sumptuous villa overlooking Regent's Park, a fact that was not public knowledge. On Margot Asquith as a cultural trendsetter, see Daphne Bennett, Margot: A Life of the Countess of Oxford and Asquith (London, 1984); "In the Great World: Mr. and Mrs. Asquith," Sketch, June 25, 1913, Arncliffe-Sennett Collection, British Library; Pamela Horn, High Society: The English Social Elite, 1880–1914 (Phoenix Mill, 1992). On the mixing of society and the cultural avant-garde before the war, see in particular Tickner, "Popular Culture of Kermesse."

²¹ Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, chap. 2; Lacy H. McDearmon, "Maud Allan," International Encyclopedia of Dance (New York, 1998), 42, 43.

²² Yorkshire Observer, May 1918, Wilde Cuttings, Oscar Wilde Collection, Clark Library, Los Angeles, California.

²³ "As I See It," Imperialist, October 7, 1916, rpt. in Billing, Verbatim Report, Appendix 1, 449.

²⁴ Travers Humphreys, in Billing, Verbatim Report, 6. On the coverage by the Times, see Doan, Fashioning Sapphism, 211 n.5.

²⁵ Lady Diana Cooper, The Rainbow Comes and Goes (New York, 1958), 82; W. J. Macqueen-Pope, Carriages at Eleven: The Story of the Edwardian Theatre (London, 1947), 179; Leslie Baily, Scrapbook, 1900 to 1914 (London, 1957), 232–34.

²⁶ See Jowett, Time; Koritz, Gendering Bodies; Glenn, Female Spectacle.

²⁷ Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918–1985 (Oxford, 1987); Gerard de Groot, Blighty (Harlow, Essex, 1996), 194; Trevor Wilson, The Myriad Faces of War (Cambridge, 1988). Historians acknowledge that the Right was able to exert great influence over governmental policy during the war, particularly toward immigration policy and the treatment of resident aliens, with long-term effects. They argue, however, that British fascists were unable to sustain popular support in the postwar era. See, for example, Panikos Panayi, "The British Empire Union in the First World War," in Tony Kushner and Kenneth Lunn, eds., The Politics of Marginality: Race, the Radical Right and Minorities in Twentieth Century Britain (London, 1990), 113–30.

²⁸ Samuel Hynes, A War Imagined: The First World War and English Culture (London, 1990); Hoare, Wilde's Last Stand; Noel Annan, Our Age: Portrait of a Generation (London, 1990). On the pre-war Wilde legacy, see Richard Ellmann, Oscar Wilde (New York, 1988); Regenia Gagnier, Idylls of the Marketplace: Oscar Wilde and the Victorian Public (Stanford, Calif., 1986); Ed Cohen, Talk on the Wilde Side: Toward a Genealogy of a Discourse on Male Sexualities (New York, 1993); Neil Bartlett, Who Is That Man? A Present for Mr. Oscar Wilde (London, 1988); Peter Raby, Cambridge Companion to Oscar Wilde (Cambridge, 2001); E. H. Mikhail, ed., Oscar Wilde: Interviews and Recollections, 2 vols. (London, 1979); Rupert Hart Davis, ed., The Letters of Oscar Wilde (London, 1962).

²⁹ Other literary historians offer a different assessment of the war's impact on modernism, pointing to the long-term effects of wartime propaganda on modernist prose. They insist on the further evolution of modernism, not its dispersal. See, for instance, Jodie Medd, "`The Cult of the Clitoris': Anatomy of a National Scandal," Modernism/Modernity 9, no. 1 (2002): 21–49; Trudi Tate, Modernism, History, and the First World War (Manchester, 1998); Vincent B. Sherry, review of Modernism, History, and the First World War, in Modernism/Modernity 7, no. 1 (2000): 173. For the French case, see Kenneth E. Silver, Esprit de Corps: The Art of the Parisian Avant-Garde and the First World War, 1914–1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1989).

³⁰ Cate Haste, Rules of Desire: Sex in Britain; World War I to the Present (London, 1992); Susan Kingsley Kent, Making Peace: Gender Reconstruction in Interwar Britain (Princeton, N.J., 1993); Philippa Levine, "`Walking the Streets in a Way No Decent Woman Should': Women Police in World War I," Journal of Modern History (March 1994): 34–78; Angela Woollacott, "`Khaki Fever' and Its Control: Gender, Class, and Sexual Morality in the British Homefront during the First World War," Journal of Contemporary History 29, no. 2 (April 1994): 325–47. Male memoirists also voiced strong resentment against the flappers and suffragist members of the Order of the White Feather, who offered white feathers as a symbol of cowardice to young men in mufti. See Nicoletta F. Gullace, "White Feathers and Wounded Men: Female Patriotism and the Memory of the Great War," Journal of British Studies (April 1997): 178–206. Gullace and others also link this backlash to widespread concern over deviant and failed masculinities (shirkers, conscientious objectors, victims of shell shock, homosexuals). On failed masculinities, see, for instance, Joanna Bourke, Dismembering the Male: Men's Bodies, Britain, and the Great War (Chicago, 1996).

³¹ See, for instance, Lesley Hall, Sex, Gender and Social Change in Britain since 1880 (New York, 2000).

³² Robert Machray, The Night Side of London (Philadelphia, 1902).

³³ "The Palace Theatre," Queen, October 1, 1958, Westminster Archives Collection Prints and Cuttings, A134. Although the southern part of the Charing Cross Road was carved out of the criminal or semi-criminal "rabbit warrens" of Seven Dials and St. Giles, this local disruption was exceptional. By adhering to an established highway, construction of this thoroughfare (and Shaftesbury Avenue) managed to open up the old, proletarian district of Soho, rather than destroy it. See F. H. W. Sheppard, "Introduction," Survey of London: The Parish of St. Anne's Soho (London, 1966), vol. 33.

³⁴ These luxuries included a grand staircase, rising from floor to floor, and the use of green cippolino and "black antique" marble to produce a polychromatic effect. Survey of London, 33: 303. Electricity was a feature already introduced by D'Oyly Carte at the Savoy, the first theater to be electrified in London. The Builder was also impressed with the absence of supporting columns that might impede viewing from the "back rows," as well as the use of dressing rooms, offices, and cloakrooms to insulate the auditorium from traffic noises (February 14, 1891): 126–27; R. D'Oyly Carte, Monograph of the Royal English Opera House (London, 1891), 9–14.

³⁵ Gerry Black, Living Up West: Jewish Life in London's West End (London, 1994).

³⁶ Raphael Samuel, "Introduction," to Wolf Suschitsky, Charing Cross Road in the Thirties (London, 1989).

³⁷ William Tydeman and Steven Price, Wilde Salome (Cambridge, 1996), 20–24; Hoare, Wilde's Last Stand, 73; Sander L. Gilman, "Salome, Syphilis, Sarah Bernhardt and the Modern Jewess," in Linda Nochlin and Tamar Garb, eds., The Jew in the Text: Modernity and the Construction of Identity (New York, 1996), 97–120; Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, 150.

³⁸ Percy Burton, "How a Variety Theatre Is Run," Strand Magazine 37 (May 1909): 515.

³⁹ On the Empire Theatre as a cosmopolitan club, see Music Hall and Theatre Review (London) (February 12, 1909): 106. The West End clubs were renowned for their ostentatiousness, spectatorship, and smoking room attitudes. Steve Dillon, "Victorian Interiors," Modern Language Quarterly 62, no. 2 (2001): 83–115. On the clubs, see Brian Harrison, Separate Spheres: The Opposition to Women's Suffrage in Britain (London, 1978), chap. 5.

⁴⁰ "They All Loved Leicester Square," Queen (February 1, 1950): 24–26; Survey of London, 34: 442–67; "Empire Theatre of Varieties, 1889–1904," Theatres and Music Halls Presented Papers, LCC MIN 10,803, London County Council Records, Metropolitan London Archives, London; Joseph Donohue, "The Empire Theatre of Varieties Licensing Controversy of 1894," Nineteenth Century Theatre 15, no. 1 (1987): 50–60; Guest, Ballet in Leicester Square; John Hollingshead, The Story of Leicester Square (London, 1892); Empire Theatre, Building Site, Theatre Museum, London; Leicester Square Scrapbook, St. Martin's in the Field Volumes, vol. 1/1, Westminster Archives, London; Compton Mackenzie, My Life and Times: Octave Four, 1907–1915 (London, 1965), 4; Amy Koritz, "Moving Violations: Dance in the London Music-Hall," Theatre Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1990): 428.

⁴¹ Kirsten Gram Holmstrom, Monodrama, Attitudes, Tableaux Vivants: Studies on Some Trends of Theatrical Fashion, 1770–1815 (Stockholm, 1967); Richard D. Altick, The Shows of London (Cambridge, 1978), 342–46; London by Night: or, The Bachelor's Facetious Guide to All the Ins and Outs and Nightly Doings of the Metropolis ... (London, 1859); Robert C. Allen, Horrible Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1991), 92, 93.

⁴² In 1845, Mme. Wharton mounted a series of poses in Savile House noted for their "fleshly embodiment" of such subjects as "A Night with Titian," or a full-color enactment of "Venus Rising from the Sea." Altick, Shows of London, 345–46.

⁴³ On the historical shifts in the Victorian nude, see Alison Smith, The Victorian Nude (Manchester, 1996), 2, 8, 166–68. On tableaux vivants as amateur theatrics, from which early modern dance would emerge, see Jowett, Time, 84.

⁴⁴ Jowett, Time, 84; Judy Burns, "The Culture of Nobility/The Nobility of Self-Cultivation," in Morris, Moving Words, 203–27. See Daly, Done into Dance, 124, 125.

⁴⁵ See Inspector M. Holyoake's report, November 5, 1893, Palace Theatre, Theatres and Music Halls Presented Papers, LCC MIN 10,870. The artistic posturing of tableaux vivants also had its analogue in visual pornography: postcards confiscated as indecent often turned out to be photoreproductions of foreign "art works" of the nude on display in museums. Smith, Victorian Nude, chap. 2.

⁴⁶ W. A. Coote, A Romance of Philanthropy (London, 1916), 71–85.

⁴⁷ W. A. Coote, quoted in George Bernard Shaw, Our Theatre in the Nineties, vol. 1 (New York, 1931), 83; Coote, Romance, 75, 79. The foreign-inspired Living Pictures included the orientalist "Moorish Baths," most probably removed because it contained an openly erotic theme.

⁴⁸ "Monocle," [Tatler], August 1, 1894, Palace Theatre Cuttings File, Theatre Museum, London; J.M.P., "Tableaux Vivants at the Palace Theatre," Sketch (May 28, 1894): 482. As a number of critics have observed, the licensing of music halls did not simply prohibit indecent or controversial acts, it had productive consequences. Music hall regulation partially accounted for the innuendo, parody, suggestiveness, and the double meanings of music hall performance in general, much of which centered on a "brokered," codified sexuality. See Bailey, Popular Culture and Performance, 189, chap. 6; Russell, "Varieties of Life."

⁴⁹ On the 1907 protest by the National Vigilance Association against Living Pictures, see Minutes 184 (February 26, 1907) and 199 (April 30, 1907), Executive Minutes, September 27, 1904–September 28, 1909, GB/106/4/NVA/194.4, National Vigilance Association Collection, National Library of Women, London.

⁵⁰ On Isadora's elevation, see Christopher St. John, "All We Like Sheep," Academy (London) (May 2, 1908): 736. St. John was an intimate of Edy Craig, the sister of Duncan's lover. For other critical reviews, see Koritz, Gendering Bodies, 41. In the 1920s, Andre Levinson offered a similar critique of Allan. See Elizabeth Weigand, "The Rugmaker's Daughter: Maud Allan's 1915 Silent Film," Dance Chronicle 9, no. 2 (1986): 238. On Duncan's art of flexion and extension, see Daly, Done into Dance; Tomko, Dancing Class; Jowett, Time. For critical praise of Allan, see J. T. Grein, "The Palace: A New Dancer," Sunday Times (March 3, 1908), Allan Clippings.

⁵¹ See, for example, Elaine Aston, Sarah Bernhardt: A French Actress on the English Stage (Oxford, 1989), 81. Both Allan and Bernhardt were better received in London than in their home country; both found a place in London society that they did not enjoy at home, while they were permitted a certain license to perform risqué acts that British actresses could not emulate.

⁵² "The Trail of the Decadent," Modern Society, December 8, 1910, vol. 12 of Wilde Cuttings, Clark Library, University of California, Los Angeles. Salome was Wilde's only dramatic work not rehabilitated after his death. Salome's alignment of sex and violence, its manifest expressions of multiple perversions, became inextricably linked with the disgrace and the "morbidity" of the author. As novelist Pat Barker interprets it, for Wilde's devotees, Salome could well have signaled his martyrdom, a dramatization of the "`primal' eruption of strong emotions denied a legitimate outlet." Barker, Eye in the Door (London, 1993).

⁵³ Robert Ross, quoted in Joseph Donohue, "Distance, Death and Desire in Salome," in Raby, Cambridge Companion, 118.

⁵⁴ Strauss Clippings, New York Public Library; Koritz, Gendering Bodies, 84, 85.

⁵⁵ Oscar Wilde, Salome: A Tragedy in One Act; Drawings by Aubrey Beardsley (Boston, 1996), 29.

⁵⁶ On Reinhardt's influence, see Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 142; Tydeman and Price, Wilde Salome, 140. In her earlier memoirs, published in the Weekly Dispatch, Allan wrote that the basic idea came to her while watching Reinhardt's Berlin production. On Reinhardt's staging, see Tydeman and Price, 31–40.

⁵⁷ Allan, My Life, 126; W. B. Walkley, "The Drama: The New Dancer," Times Literary Supplement (March 25, 1908): 598.

⁵⁸ Truth [1908], Allan Personal Box, Theatre Museum. Allan's appearance as a visionary Salome drew on Gustave Moreau's pictorial versions, but Moreau's Salome is not depicted dancing around the head or independent of Herod and his servants.

⁵⁹ "Programme for Miss Maud Allan" (1908), Palace Theatre File, Theatre Museum; Truth [1908], Allan Personal Box; "Palace Theatre," Times (March 10, 1908): 5.

⁶⁰ See, for example, Music Hall and Theatre Review 41 (February 26, 1909): 138; "`Salome' Dancers the Latest Sensation," Spokane Review (August 30, 1908), Allan Clippings; Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 187, 188, n.21.

⁶¹ The Times reviewer recommended that audiences visit the Palace before Allan's featured performance at 10:15 to see the Palace Girls. In their "violent prancing and whirling and high-kicking," they offered a "piquant contrast to the wonderful instrument of expression ... the mysterious power that dance becomes with Miss Maud Allan." Walkley, "Drama: The New Dancer." On the Tiller girls, see Doremy Vernon, Tiller's Girls (London, 1988); Derek and Julia Parker, Natural History of the Chorus Girl (Newton Abbot, 1975); Ramsay Burt, "The Chorus Line and the Efficiency Engineers," Alien Bodies: Representations of Modernity "Race" and Nation in Early Modern Dance (London, 1998), 84–100.

⁶² Koritz, Gendering Bodies, 39–41.

⁶³ Walkley, "Drama: The New Dancer."

⁶⁴ "Miss Maud Allan's Salome Dance," The Academy (March 21, 1908): 598.

⁶⁵ See Raymond Blathwayt, "Two Visions of Maud Allan," Black and White, July 18, 1908, Allan Clippings. On Anglo-Saxonism, race, and the liberal political heritage, see Kramer, "Empires, Exceptions, and Anglo-Saxons," 1322.

⁶⁶ Grace Hodson Boutelle, "Maud Allan and Her Dances," Pall Mall Magazine 7 (July 1908): 702.

⁶⁷ On the iconography of the American girl, particularly the Gibson Girl, with whom Allan was compared, see Martha Banta, Imaging American Women: Ideas and Ideals in Cultural History (New York, 1987), 433, 136, 508, 509.

⁶⁸ Boutelle, "Maud Allan"; Blathwayt, "Two Visions." On her public lectures, see "Miss Maud Allan on Dancing," Times, February 22, 1909.

⁶⁹ On dance as the spiritual expression of the spiritual state, see "Modern Dance Criticized by Maud Allan," Boston Traveler, January 19, 1910, Allan Clippings. On Allan's body as an "instrument," see Cherniavsky, "Maud Allan, Part II," 146.

⁷⁰ Blathwayt, "Two Visions."

⁷¹ Burns, "Culture of Nobility," 212, 213; Jowett, Time, 77–101, 123–30; Banta, Imaging American Women, chap. 5; Shannan E. Egan, "The Imperishable Pose: Delsartean Performance of the Feminine Ideal" (BA thesis, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1998); Nancy Lee Chalfa Ruyter, "American Delsarteans Abroad," American Dance Abroad: Influence of the United States Experience; Proceedings of the Society of Dance History Scholars (Fifteenth Annual Conference, University of California, Riverside, February 14–15, 1992), 275–82; Daly, Done into Dance, 4.

⁷² Allan, My Life, 65.

⁷³ Maud Allan, unpublished diary, quoted in Cherniavsky, Did She Dance.

⁷⁴ J. T. Grein, "Duke of York's Theatre: Isadora Duncan," Sunday Times (July 12, 1908): 4.

⁷⁵ Robert Renaud, San Francisco Chronicle, quoted in Felix Cherniavsky, "Maud Allan, Part 4," Dance Chronicle 8, nos.1–2 (1985): 15.

⁷⁶ "Palace Theatre Matinee Programme"; "Miss Maud Allan's Salome Dance," Academy (March 21, 1908): 599; New Jersey Sun, February 3, 1910, Allan Clippings.

⁷⁷ "Miss Maud Allan at the Palace," Truth, March 18, 1908; "Miss Maud Allan's Salome Dance."

⁷⁸ Chicago Tribune, February 7, 1910, quoted in Cherniavsky, Did She Dance. On the other hand, Carl Van Vechten observed, "Miss Allan yesterday executed steps and curved her body in contortions which are now conventionally supposed to suggest Salome." Van Vechten, "The Dance Criticisms of Carl Van Vechten, Part 1: Reviews Written for the New York Times," Dance Index 1 (1942): 148.

⁷⁹ Visually, Salome and Allan were identified with Art Nouveau, the art form of fin-de-siècle decadence. "Very New Art: Miss Maud Allan Even More Ornamental Than Usual," Sketch (April 28, 1909): Supp. 6.

⁸⁰ Times, quoted in "Mystery of Noted Dancer Is Solved: Sister of Slayer," Cleveland News [1908], Allan Clippings.

⁸¹ Thanks to Janice Ross for these insights.

⁸² Genevieve Stebbins, one of the most important popularizers of Delsarte, included thirty-two "illustrations from Greek art" to demonstrate Delsartean expression, but she also believed that Delsarte incorporated key elements of orientalist dancing: "Even to-day, everyone who has traveled with observant eyes in Oriental lands knows that the sacred rites and dances performed in the temples are accompanied with that slow changing of weight from right to left, forward and backward, which give that beautiful swaying motion of the whole body without the feet changing their positions. This, coupled with the natural balance of head, arm, and torso, produces the spiral line from every point of view." Stebbins, Delsarte System of Expression (1885; rpt. edn., New York, 1902), 470. Norman Bryson has observed the intense "cultural charge" and "structure of linkage" when dance forms seem to combine opposing cultural meanings (such as the primitive body and the machine); under these conditions, "elements from one fantasy migrate to the other and back, as though the images that were involved performed closely related functions in the cultural imaginary." Bryson, "Cultural Studies and Dance History," in Jane C. Desmond, ed., Meaning in Motion: New Cultural Studies of Dance (Durham, N.C., 1997), 74.

⁸³ The Maud Allan Clippings collection at the New York Public Library contains the following newspaper fragment: "Lady—requests the pleasure of—company to dinner at the Savoy Hotel." "`Afterwards Palace Theatre (Salome seance)' was the wording of an invitation card recently sent out."

⁸⁴ Matinees were introduced in the 1870s to entice polite society back into the theaters. They also were used for experimental theater. They were overwhelmingly patronized by women. William Armstrong, "The Nineteenth-Century Matinee," Theatre Notebook (n.p., n.d.), Theatre Museum.

⁸⁵ Walkley, "Drama: The New Dancer"; "The Maud Allan Matinées," Tatler (March 1, 1911): 228, Palace Theatre File, Theatre Museum.

⁸⁶ "Miss Maud Allan: Palace Crowded with Ladies to See the New Dancer," Daily Chronicle (London), June 13, 1908, Allan Clippings.

⁸⁷ On Poiret, see Norah Waugh, Corsets and Crinolines (London, 1954); Valerie Steele, Fashion and Eroticism (New York, 1985); Peter Wollen, "Fashion/Orientalism/The Body," New Formations (1987): 3–55; Palmer White, Poiret (London, 1973); "Mrs. Asquith and French Dresses," Times (May 15, 1909): 13; (May 21, 1909): 11. Margot Asquith was severely condemned for her "indiscretion" at exhibiting Poiret's Parisian fashions at Downing Street, but Poiret's war on the corset was not strictly a high fashion or Continental innovation. It owed much to the traditions of the Anglo-American women's health reform and aesthetic dress movement of the late nineteenth century, of which Delsartean physical culture was an integral part. Jill Fields, "`Fighting the Corsetless Evil': Shaping Corsets and Culture," Journal of Social History 33, no. 2 (1999): 358, 359; Mary Stella Newton, Health, Art, and Reason: Dress Reformers of the Nineteenth Century (London, 1974).

⁸⁸ Cooper, Rainbow Comes and Goes, 82.

⁸⁹ "An Earl's Daughter Whose Dancing Has Alarmed a `Palace': Lady Constance Stewart Richardson," Sketch (February 16, 1910): Supp. 9.

⁹⁰ On Lady Constance's Greek boy's body, see Cooper, Rainbow Comes and Goes, 82. On Radclyffe Hall, who dropped her first name, see Sally Cline, Radclyffe Hall: A Woman Called John (London, 1997), 60. Her sexuality was routed through masculine identification; her presence suggests the diversity of female erotic gazes in the theater audience. Thanks to Sharon Marcus and Laura Doan.

⁹¹ Elizabeth Robins, Diary entry, April 26, 1908, Box 6, Robins Papers, Fales Library, New York University, New York; Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 174, 175; Macqueen-Pope, Carriages at Eleven, 179. This was a notorious occasion, remembered in memoirs of the period. See, for example, [Julian Osborn Fields], Uncensored Recollections (Philadelphia, 1924), 318.

⁹² Jamie Camplin, The Rise of the Plutocrats: Wealth and Power in Edwardian England (London, 1978); Anthony Allfrey, Edward VII and His Jewish Court (London, 1991). On Cassel as a cosmopolitan financier and his relations with the Foreign Office, see Kurt Grunwald, "`Windsor-Cassel'—l;The Last Court Jew: Prolegomena to a Biography of Sir Ernest Cassel," Yearbook of the Leo Baeck Institute 14 (1969): 119–64; Pat Thane, "Financiers and the British State: The Case of Sir Ernest Cassel," Business History 27 (January 1986): 80–99. On antisemitism and attacks on Jewish financiers, see Bryan Cheyette, "Hillaire Belloc and the Marconi Scandals," Immigrants and Minorities 8, no. 1 (1989): 131–42.

⁹³ Gilman, "Salome"; and Sander L. Gilman, "Strauss and the Pervert," in Arthur Goos and Roger Parker, eds., Reading Opera (Princeton, N.J., 1988); Glenn, Female Spectacle, chap. 4.

⁹⁴ Postcard, addressed to Miss D. K. James, 87 Brudenell Road, Leeds, with a photograph of Miss Maud Allan, with caption, "Chopin's Funeral March," 4995 Rotary Photo, Foulham and Banfield, Allan Collection, San Francisco Library of Performing Arts, San Francisco. The letter writer inquires: "Hope you haven't got this p.c. Are still gone on this person?"

⁹⁵ "Touching Missives from Miss Maud Allan's Letter Box," Weekly Dispatch (London), August 30, 1908; "Marriage Offers for Miss Maud Allan," September 6, 1908; "Miss Maud Allan's Last Reminiscences," September 13, 1908, Allan Clippings.

⁹⁶ "Marriage Offers."

⁹⁷ Lois Draegin, "After Isadora: Her Art as Inspiration," Dance Magazine (July 1977): 68. Linda Tomko's comments on Duncan also apply to Allan: because they incorporated cultural resources that they shared with female spectators, their female following could "bring to bear different sets of reference for making meaning out the dancer's bodily practice." Dancing Class, 74.

⁹⁸ "Building the Body Beautiful," Woman Worker, August 14, 1908.

⁹⁹ "I have this gift of dancing and movement," he added, "which everyone tells me is very graceful, and that no one would be able to tell me from a lady, if they did not previously know I was a man." "Marriage Offers."

¹⁰⁰ Quoted in Miriam J. Benkovitz, Ronald Firbank: A Biography (New York, 1969), 110.

¹⁰¹ See the discussion of the Cleveland Street Scandal, "La Lanterne," January 20, 1890, DPP 1/95/7, Public Record Office, London; The Sins of the Cities of the Plain: or, The Recollections of a Mary-Anne, with Short Essays on Sodomy and Tribadism, 2 vols. (London, 1881); Morris B. Kaplan, "Who's Afraid of John Saul? Urban Culture and the Politics of Desire in Late Victorian London," GLQ 5, no. 3 (1999): 296–300.

¹⁰² Kaplan, "Who's Afraid"; and George Chauncey, Gay New York: The Making of the Gay World (New York, 1994).

¹⁰³ Michael Harrison, London beneath the Pavement (London, 1961), 256; Cherniavsky, Salome Dancer, 187, n.21; Chauncey, Gay New York.

¹⁰⁴ See Judith R. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London (Chicago, 1992), 125.

¹⁰⁵ See, for example, the anonymous letter complaining of sodomites in the Empire Theatre promenade. October 1894, Empire Theatre File, Theatres and Music Hall Presented Papers, LCC MIN 10,803.

¹⁰⁶ Flitch, Modern Dancing and Dancers, 161. The full respectability of the Palace Theatre was certified by the "first ever Royal Command Performance" there in 1912. Weightman, Bright Lights, 100.

¹⁰⁷ On dancing schools, see Garafola, Diaghilev's Ballets Russes, 225, 226; "A Successful Teacher," Dancing Times 2 (February 1912): 123; "The Sitter Out," Dancing Times 5 (June 1915): 298, 299, 331, 332.

¹⁰⁸ Jane Desmond, "Embodying Difference: Issues in Dance and Cultural Difference," Cultural Critique 26 (Winter 1994): 33–63.

¹⁰⁹ Nava, "Cosmopolitanism of Commerce," 163–96.

¹¹⁰ See Simon Collier, et al., Tango: The Dance, the Song, the Story (London, 1995), 83; H. R. Wakefield on "Modern Dancing," Times (May 27, 1913): 11; Percy Moenich on "Modern Dancing," Times (May 24, 1913): 43; Peroline Maud Webb on "Modern Dancing," Times (May 27, 1913): 9.

¹¹¹ For London, see Victor Silvester, Dancing Is My Life: An Autobiography (London, 1958); Philip J. S. Richardson, A History of English Ballroom Dancing (1910–45): The Story of the Development of the Modern English Style (London, 1945). For New York, see Tomko, Dancing Class, 22, 23; Erenberg, Steppin' Out, 20–22; Kathy Lee Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia, 1986).

¹¹² C. Sheridan Jones, London in War Time (London, 1917), 22.

¹¹³ Marek Kuhn, Dope Girls: The Birth of a British Drug Underground (London, 1992); Richardson, History of English Ballroom Dancing, 17–24; Robert Murphy, Smash and Grab: Gangsters in the London Underworld, 1920–1960 (London, 1993), 7–10; Cline, Radclyffe Hall, 153, 170; Michael Luke, David Tennant and the Gargoyle Club (London, 1991); "Clubs: Prosecution of Ciro's Club," Mepo 3/251, 1916–1919, Metropolitan Police Files, Public Record Office; "Miss Kate Evelyn Meyrick or Merrick: Allegations of Irregularities," Mepo 2/4481, 1924–1934; "Policy on Night Clubs and Its Effects on Officers," Mepo 2/4458, 1932–1933; "Night Club Irregularities," Mepo 2/2053, 1922.

¹¹⁴ Black, Living Up West, 25, 47, 49; "London Dance Notes," Dancing Times 17 (October 1926–March 1927): 527, 691, 817; Dancing Times 17 (April–September 1927): 123, 253, 373, 479; "London Dancing Notes," Dancing Times 22 (October 1931–March 1932): 101, 521, 523.

¹¹⁵ "The British Girl in Paris: Our Most Charming Export Commodity," [n.p.] November 23, 1935, Chorus Girl Cutting File, Theatre Museum; Vernon, Tiller's Girls.

¹¹⁶ Ross McKibbin, Classes and Culture: England, 1918–1951 (Oxford, 2000); Silvester, Dancing Is My Life.

¹¹⁷ Events such as the Post-Impressionist Exhibition and the Ballets Russes energized London in the years immediately preceding World War I, when, in the words of Virginia Woolf, "human nature changed." Quoted in Peter Stansky, On or About December 1910: Early Bloomsbury and Its Intimate World (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), 2. See also Virginia Woolf, Roger Fry: A Biography (1940; rpt. edn., New York, 1968).

¹¹⁸ After the successful opening of the opera, the Daily Mirror took a poll of "representative" men and women. It found a general ignorance of Salome's "true history" and correct pronunciation of her name, as well as a close association between Salome and Maud Allan and her dance. "All about Salome," Daily Mirror, December 10, 1910, vol. 13 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹¹⁹ On sexology and the modern woman, see Koritz, Gendering Bodies, 187, n. 11; Lisa Tickner, Spectacle of Women: Imagery of the Suffrage Campaign, 1907–14 (Chicago, 1988); Showalter, Sexual Anarchy; Esther Newton, "The Mythic Mannish Lesbian: Radclyffe Hall and the New Woman," in Martin Duberman, et al., eds., Hidden from History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past (New York, 1959), 281–93.

¹²⁰ Strauss's Salome was wildly popular on the Continent but also controversial. However, it was among the "prudish English-speaking world" that it met its "fiercest opposition." After a single performance at the New York Metropolitan Opera, the management felt obliged to terminate the production. Oscar Hammerstein took advantage of the sensation aroused by the performance of Allan and her American competitors to stage Strauss's Salome in 1909 at his rival Manhattan Opera House. Tydeman and Price, Wilde Salome, 127–28; Glenn, Spectacle, 102.

¹²¹ "Salome in London," Times (December 9, 1910), vol. 13 of Wilde Cuttings; "Salome Leaves Audience Limp," Daily Sketch (December 9, 1910), vol. 13 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹²² Reviewers regarded the opera as "beautiful art wasted on a vile subject," a "brilliant fungus sprung from decaying genius." "Strauss Opera at Covent Garden," Daily News, December 9, 1910, Wilde Cuttings. "Music: Salome," Spectator (December 24, 1910): 1184, quoted in Koritz, Gendering Bodies, 84; "Comments and Opinions," Musical Standard [n.p.], vol. 12 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹²³ "Madame Acté as Salome," Morning Leader, December 7, 1910, vol. 12 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹²⁴ On Mme. Acté's costume, see "Strauss's `Salome' to Be Produced after Having Been Banned for Years: Mme Aino Acté as Salome," Illustrated London News, December 3, 1910, vol. 12 of Wilde Cuttings. On Mary Garden's costume and dance, see "The Princess and Her Dance," Strauss Clippings.

¹²⁵ "Madame Acté as Salome."

¹²⁶ "Salome," Daily News, February 2, 1911, vol. 14 of Wilde Cuttings. On the earlier productions of Salome in London, see Tydeman and Price, Wilde Salome, 40–57.

¹²⁷ In 1909, Bourne played "Justice" in the Actresses' Franchise League's "Pageant of Great Women," at the La Scala Theatre. She also had a "long" association with Forbes Robertson's touring company. The Times obituary of Bourne identified her performance of Salome as her "most famous role." "Miss Adeline Bourne: Actress and Suffragette," Times, February 10, 1965.

¹²⁸ "An Unlicensed Production," M.A.P., January 28, 1911, vol. 14 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹²⁹ "Afternoons at the Play: `Salome' at the Court," The Referee, March 5, 1911; "Stageland," Penny Illustrated Paper, March 11, 1911.

¹³⁰ "`Salome' at the Court Theatre," February 28, 1911; "Salome with Head on the Charger," Morning Leader, vol. 14 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹³¹ Globe, February 28, 1911, vol. 14 of Wilde Cuttings; "Stageland," Penny Illustrated Paper, March 11, 1911.

¹³² "The New Players," Bystander, March 8, 1911, vol. 14 of Wilde Cuttings.

¹³³ "The New Players," Votes for Women (March 3, 1911): 358.

¹³⁴ On suffrage iconography, see Tickner, Spectacle of Women, 151–226. On feminist theater, see Green, Spectacular Confessions, 75. See also Kaplan and Stowell, Theatre and Fashion. Feminist theater had a limited relationship to the avant-garde: it overwhelmingly produced contemporary melodramas of social protest or social satire and rarely adopted strategies of theatrical symbolism.

¹³⁵ These divisions inform a humorous playlet entitled "Salome and the Suffragettes" that appeared in the weekly magazine The Referee. It turns on the kidnapping of Allan, who was abducted from tea with political leaders at the Houses of Parliament by militant suffragettes in order to extract a pledge from Asquith to "bring in a measure for the enfranchisement of women at once." "Mustard and Cress," "Salome and the Suffragettes," Referee, June 28, 1908. These divisions reappear at the end of Allan's 1908 memoir, where she considers votes for women. Although she insists that "woman is a human being," possessing the "absolute right" to education and opportunities in the professions and other vocations, her rightful destiny remains as a "wife and mother" within the "inner sanctum" of Home. At the same time, Allan insists on a "genuine sex difference" that renders women "unsuited" to the legal profession as well as politics. My Life, 113–17.

¹³⁶ Tickner, "Popular Culture of Kermesse," 95.

¹³⁷ Tickner, Spectacle of Women, 205–10. On Edith Craig and the Pioneer Players, whose experimentation included unconventional subject matter and forms drawn from the drama of many countries, see Katharine Cocklin, Women and Theatre in the Age of Suffrage: The Pioneer Players, 1911–1925 (Houndsmill, Basingstoke, 2001); Joy Melville, Ellen and Edy (London, 1987), chap. 14; Stowell, Stage of Their Own, chap. 2.

¹³⁸ On Salome as a female cultural form, see Jane Marcus, "Salomé: The Jewish Princess Was a New Woman," Bulletin of the New York Public Library (1974): 105. In Britain, a group of "maverick suffragists" and "minority feminists" clustered around The Freewoman and Freewoman Discussion Circles in 1911 and 1912. See Bruce Clark, Dora Marsden and Early Modernism, Gender, Individualism, Science (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992), chap. 2.

¹³⁹ See Laura Ormiston Chant, Why We Attacked the Empire (London, 1895).

¹⁴⁰ I. H. Corat, "The Sadism in Oscar Wilde's Salome," Psychoanalytic Review (New York) 1 (1913–14): 257–59.

¹⁴¹ Author of "Nemesis Hunt," Maudie: Revelations of Life in London and an Unforeseen Denouement (London, 1909). Before her London appearance, the American press reported on one private performance of Salome in Budapest, when Allan found herself the victim of a macabre practical joke. As she proceeded to embrace the head of the Baptist on stage, she found that the dead head of a man had been substituted for the property head. See Hoare, Wilde's Last Stand, 75, 85.

¹⁴² "Salome Dinner Dances," New York Times, August 23, 1908, Allan Clippings.

¹⁴³ San Francisco Call, April 18, 1908; "Mystery of Noted Dancer Is Solved: Sister of Slayer," Cleveland News [1908]; "London's Favorite Dancer Sister of Notorious Durrant," Detroit News, May 2, 1908, Allan Clippings.

¹⁴⁴ "Maud Allan Scoffs at Story Asquith Was Nice to the Barefoot Dancer," Los Angeles Examiner, March 10, 1910; "Most Pestered of Premiers," Cleveland Leader, April 10, 1910, Allan Clippings.

¹⁴⁵ Maud Allan, "How I Startled the World," San Francisco Call & Post, chapter 12 (December 24, 1921); chapter 13 (December 26, 1921), Maud Allan Collection. On the fraternization charge, see "Presents for `Hun' Prisoners," Globe [1915], Cuttings Collection, mss. Eng. c. 6713, Margot Asquith Collection, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, Oxford.

¹⁴⁶ "A Deplorable Scandal," Daily Telegraph, June 6, 1918, HO 144/1498/364780, Home Office Papers, Public Record Office. Reference was also made to Allan's luxurious "black sealskin coat," with a large sable collar and muff. Lloyd's Weekly News, April 7,1918, Wilde Cuttings.

¹⁴⁷ "A Scandalous Trial," Times, June 5, 1918, Wilde Cuttings.

¹⁴⁸ Hume Williams, in Billing, Verbatim Report, 51–53, 63.

¹⁴⁹ Billing, Verbatim Report, 76.

¹⁵⁰ Justice Darling, in Billing, Verbatim Report, 103.

¹⁵¹ Billing, Verbatim Report, 103.

¹⁵² Medd, "Cult of the Clitoris"; Trudi Tate, "Propaganda Lies," in Tate, Modernism, 42–49; Wheelwright, Fatal Lover.

¹⁵³ Lord Alfred Douglass, 295, and Dr. Serrell Cooke, 249, 262–63, both in Billing, Verbatim Report. Whenever Wilde "was doing something particularly horrible," testified Douglass, "he always disguised it in the most flowery language and always referred it back to art." Quoted in Evening Standard, n.d., Wilde Cuttings.

¹⁵⁴ Bland, "Trial by Sexology."

¹⁵⁵ "The Honor of England," Morning Post, June 6, 1918, HO 144/1498/364780, Home Office.

¹⁵⁶ "Mr. Billing's Trial," Times, April 8, 1918; Billing, Verbatim Report, 90.

¹⁵⁷ Justice Darling, in Billing, Verbatim Report, 444.

¹⁵⁸ Billing, Verbatim Report, 380.

¹⁵⁹ When The Vigilante announced its renaming, it actually printed a notice warning the public not to be confounded "with the objects aimed at by the various `Vigilance' Societies which appear to be limited to the suppression of sexual vice." Hoare and others have noted this announcement (Wilde's Last Stand, 59) without recognizing its feminist genealogy.

¹⁶⁰ Jacqueline de Vries, "Gendering Patriotism: Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst and World War One," in Sybil Oldfield, ed., The Working-Day World: Women's Lives and Culture(s) in Britain, 1914–1915 (London, 1994), 75–89; Nicoletta F. Gullace, The Blood of Our Sons: Men, Women and the Renegotiation of British Citizenship during the Great War (London, 2002), chap. 6.

¹⁶¹ Kent, Making Peace; Martin Pugh, Women and the Women's Movement in Britain, 1914–1959 (London, 1992); Gullace, Blood of Our Sons.

¹⁶² On the flapper vote, see Billie Melman, Women and the Popular Imagination in the Twenties: Flappers and Nymphs (New York, 1988), 29. In his scathing critique of Margot Asquith's memoirs, Harold Begbie refers to her as the "grandmother of the flappers." The Glass of Fashion: Some Social Reflections (London, 1921), 52. On the body of the flapper, see Jones, London in War Time, 126. Many contemporaries, including the arch-antisuffragist Lord Curzon, recognized the hypocrisy of the age bar for women. They deplored the presumption that female war workers were too "young" and "undisciplined" to vote. See Lord Curzon's speech, quoted in Gullace, Blood of Our Sons, 192.