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Revolution or Evolution:
The Socialist Party, Western Workers, and Law in the Progressive Era
John P. Enyeart
Stanford University1
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In 1913 Socialist
Party (SP) leader Morris Hillquit contended that the United States
had embarked on the path toward socialism. He argued that the
"modern principle of control and regulation of industries by the
government indicates the complete collapse of the purely capitalist
ideal of non-interference, and signifies that the government may
change from an instrument of class rule and exploitation into
one of social regulation and protection." He then asserted that
like "the industries, the government is being socialized. The
general tendency of both is distinctly towards a Socialist order."
This fit with his under standing of the stages a nation underwent
as it progressed first from a society with little to no state
involvement in the economy, to a social democracy with state regulation
of corporations and protections for workers, to, finally, a socialist
state where a government which the people elected managed the
economy.2
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Hillquit,
along with Victor Berger and John Spargo, led the evolutionary,
or gradualist, wing of the SP. Evolutionaries included urban workers,
usually members of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), and
immigrants, mostly Jews like Hillquit himself. They argued that
voting rights offered workers the opportunity to usher in socialism
peacefully by relying on the country's democratic institutions.
Further more, these socialists supported the reform mood of the
Progressive Era. They claimed that the growing public concern
over poverty and the regulatory acts that resultedespecially
the measures at the state and local levels dealing with wages,
hours, and safetysignified America's move toward social
democracy.3
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Many scholars
argue that Hillquit's confidence that the corporate reforms of
the period suggested the rise of American social democracy not
only proved premature, but contributed to, or caused, the SP's
disintegration. Hillquit and his wing have been considered "middle-class
opportunists" who privileged political power over the advancement
of socialism, Marxist intellectuals with a bourgeois sensibility,
or socialists whose accommodationist strategies backfired when
reform Democrats appropriated their policy aims. Whether manipulative
party bosses or victims of their gradualist strategy, the dominant
narrative of the SP holds that the Hillquit wing substituted fighting
at the ballot box for engaging in the class struggle on the shop-floor.
Evolutionaries, the story goes, impeded the SP's potential to
radically transform the American economy because of their acceptance
of gradual change and their unwillingness to use tactics more
militant than voting.4
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