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David Eltis | The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment | The William and Mary Quarterly, 58.1 | The History Cooperative
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January, 2001
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The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment

David Eltis



SINCE work on The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM began in the late 1980s, questions about it have fallen overwhelmingly into two categories: does the dataset have names of African individuals or groups, and by how much will it change estimates of the number of people forced into the traffic. The answer to the first question—no—is easier to give than the answer to the second. Paradoxically, the new data will probably modify currently accepted estimates of the size of the trade less than it will change knowledge of most other aspects of the trade.1 Links between Africa and the Americas, deaths of both slaves and crew on the voyage, the age and sex of slaves, national participation in the trade, almost any organizational question, ownership patterns, and many other topics will draw on the new collection to a much greater degree than will the long debate over how many Africans arrived in the Americas between 1519, the likely date of the first, and 1867, the probable year of the last transatlantic slave voyage direct from Africa.2 Nevertheless, the data do support a revised aggregate estimate, and, more important, they provide the basis for more accurate assessments of who carried the slaves, from which part of the African coast they embarked, and where in the Americas they were taken. What follows is the first report of a full-length independent reassessment of the size and distribution of the traffic currently in preparation. 1
     This reassessment of the volume and structure of the transatlantic slave trade is a culmination and extension of the work of others. Philip Curtin and Joseph Inikori built on a combination of estimates of people who lived through the slave trade era, aggregated shipping data, and population projections of recipient regions in the Americas, and Paul Lovejoy consolidated the conclusions of scholars who had recovered more new data from the archives after Curtin published his findings; the present reassessment, by contrast, is based on individual voyages for the busiest parts of the trade, nearly half of which have only recently become known.3 For the most part, this work uses voyage-by-voyage shipping data rather than the estimates of then-contemporaries and historians derived from those data. As information becomes available and as assumptions underlying the estimates are refined, the conclusions offered here will change. Moreover, the new estimates have yet to be tested systematically against the known demographic data, a process that also leads to some revision.4 . . .

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